Recollection-based recognition eliminates the revelation effect in memory
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This research was conducted while D.L.W. was supported by Na tional Institute of Child Health and Human Development Mental Re tardation Research Training Grant 5-t32-HD07176. I thank Robert L. Greene
, Tim Curran, Douglas K. Detterman, and Barry S. Layton for cerning this article should be addressed to D. L. Westerman,
Depart ment of Psychology, State University of New York
, P.O. Box 6000, Binghamton,
NY 13902 (
The revelation effect refers to the tendency to call an item on a recognition test old if it is preceded by a cognitive task that involves the processing of a similar stimulus (Watkins & Peynircioglu, 1990). It has been proposed that the revelation effect occurs because of an increase in the familiarity of the test items in the revelation condition (Luo, 1993; Westerman & Greene, 1998). In the present experiments, the revelation effect was investigated in recognition tasks that were not based solely on the familiarity of the test items but,also, on a recall-like retrieval process. A revelation effect was not found on an associative-recognition task or on a plurality recognition task. The results of this study show that the revelation effect does not occur when the contribution of familiarity to recognition decisions is reduced by factors that encourage the recollection of the study episode.
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Lately, a great deal of attention has been devoted to
trying to understand the factors that lead a person to
claim to remember something that did not actually occur
(e.g., Hyman & Pentland, 1996; Pezdek, Finger, & Hodge,
1997; Read, 1996; Roediger, 1996; Zaragoza & Mitchell,
1996). Numerous studies have demonstrated that so-called
memory illusions can be brought about by specific encod
ing conditions. For instance, it is well known that study
ing a list of conceptually related words, such as, bed,
dream, and pillow, will make a person likely later to (in
correctly) recall or recognize the word sleep (e.g., Deese,
1959; Payne, Elie, Blackwell, & Neuschatz, 1996; Roedi
ger & McDermott, 1995; Tussing & Greene, 1997).
Memory illusions can also occur because of factors that
influence the memory test (see, e.g., Jacoby & White
house, 1989; Lindsay & Kelly, 1996; Reinitz, Lammers,
& Cochran, 1992; Whittlesea, 1993; Whittlesea, Jacoby,
& Girard, 1990). One robust finding that has been dem
onstrated primarily on tests of recognition memory is the
revelation effect (Watkins & Peynircioglu, 1990). As it
was originally reported, the revelation effect referred to
the finding that a word on a recognition test will tend to
be called old (i.e., previously studied) if it first appears
in a distorted fashion-for instance, as a word fragment
or as an anagram (e.g., rcukt)-and the research partici
pant has to solve the word by putting it into its correct
form (truck) prior to the recognition judgment. The ten
dency to claim that items that are revealed had been pre
sented previously occurs both for items that actually had
been presented (targets) and for items that had not been
presented (lures); however, the magnitude of the revela
tion effect is typically larger for lures than for targets (see
Hicks & Marsh, 1998, for a meta-analysis). As a result,
revealing an item on a recognition test leads to a greater
increase in false alarms than in hits; therefore, recogni
tion performance tends to be less accurate in the revela
tion condition. Recent research has shown that the term
revelation effect appears to be a misnomer, since the ef
fect does not depend on the revelation of the test word
and has been found with a variety of tasks interleaved
among test trials. A revelation effect has been found when
the word that was revealed was not the word that was
subsequently recognized but, rather, a different word that
had not been presented on the study list and that bore no
apparent relationship to the test word. For instance, un
scrambling an anagram of the word vineyard made par
ticipants more likely to claim that a different test word that
followed it, such as raindrop, had been previously stud
ied, as compared with test words that did not follow an
anagram task (Westerman & Greene, 1996). Other cog
nitive tasks, such as counting letters, generating synonyms,
and recalling a short list of letters, have also been found
to produce a revelation effect. That is, test items that im
mediately followed these tasks were more likely to be
called old than were test items that did not follow these
tasks (Westerman & Greene, 1998).
A theoretical explanation of the revelation effect has
been elusive. One possible explanation is that the cognitive
task that is performed during the revelation phase some
how increases the familiarity of the test item that follows
it (LeCompte, 1995; Luo, 1993; Peynircioglu & Tekcan,
1993; Westerman & Greene, 1998). Evidence in support
ofthis notion was reported by LeCompte, who conducted
experiments that used the remember/know procedure
(Tulving, 1985) and the process dissociation technique
(Jacoby, 1991) to study the contribution of familiarity to
recognition decisions in revelation effect experiments.
The results of LeCompte's experiments were consistent
with the idea that the revelation task increases the famil
iarity of the test item that follows it; both procedures
yielded higher familiarity estimates for test items in the
revelation condition. Several investigators (Luo, 1993;
Peynircioglu & Tekcan, 1993) have suggested that an en
hanced sense offamiliarity for revealed test items might
be due to a misattribution of familiarity (see Jacoby &
Whitehouse, 1989). According to this account, the pro
cessing ofa stimulus during the revelation phase increases
its familiarity, and the enhanced familiarity is misattrib
uted to the test item's presence on the study list. Although
a misattribution account can explain the revelation effect
when the items that are processed during the revelation
phase match those items that are recognized, it cannot
account for a revelation effect when the stimulus that is
processed during the revelation phase is completely dif
ferent than the word that is recognized. For instance a fa
miliarity misattribution account cannot explain why,
after solving an anagram of the word vineyard, partici
pants are more likely to claim that a different word (e.g.,
raindrop) had appeared on the study list (Westerman &
Greene, 1996, 1998), nor can it explain why participants
are more likely to call a test word old after having com
pleted a letter-span task (Westerman & Greene, 1998).
Westerman and Greene (1998) have offered an alter
native account of the revelation effect that is similar to
the familiarity misattribution account, insofar as it at
tributes the revelation effect to the enhanced familiarity
ofthe test items in the revelation condition. This account
has been described in terms of the global matching ap
proach to recognition memory (e.g., Gillund & Shiffrin,
1984; Hintzman, 1988; Murdock, 1993; for a review, see
Clark & Gronlund, 1996). According t (...truncated)