Full Issue: Volume 13

Wayne State University, Aug 2018

CSR Editors

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Full Issue: Volume 13

Full Issue: Volume 13 CSR Editors 0 1 2 Recommended Citation 0 Editorial Board: Jeanette Davidson, University of North Texas , Denton, TX Richard J. Gagan, Tampa, FL John E. Glass , University of North Texas , Denton, TX Barry Glassner , University of Connecticut , Storrs, CT C. Allen Haney , University of Houston , Houston, TX David J. Kallen , Michigan State University , East Lansing, MI Elizabeth Briant Lee , Drew University , Madison, NJ Julia Mayo, St. Vincent's Hospital , New York, NY Vijayan Pillai , University of North Texas , Denton, TX Jerome Rabow , University of California at Los Angeles , Los Angeles, CA Mary Sengstock , Wayne State University , Detroit , MI Peter Stein, William Patterson College, Wayne, NJ Jean H. Thoresen, Eastern Connecticut State University , Williamantic, CT Lloyd Gordon Ward, Toronto , Canada 1 Book Review Editor: Harry Cohen Department of Sociology, Iowa State University , Ames, IA 50011; (515) 294-6480 , USA 2 Teaching Notes Editor: Sarah C. Brabrant Department of Sociology , P.O. Box 40198. University of Southwest Louisiana , Lafayette, LA 70504; (318) 235-7656 , USA - CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY REVIEW Volume 13,1995 Editorial Board Editor: W. David Watts Vice President for Academic Affairs, Jacksonville State University, Jacksonville, AL 36265; Telephone (205) 782-5540; FAX (205) 782-5541 Vice President for Publications and Consulting Editor: Phillip D. Robinette Director of Life Enrichment Center; Professor and Chair of Dept. of Sociology, Southern California College, Costa Mesa, CA 92626; Telephone (714) 966-6316; FAX (714) 966-6316 Associate Editor: Hugh McCain, Jr. Professor of Sociology, Jacksonville State University, Jacksonville, AL 36265; Telephone (205) 782-5350; FAX (205) 782-5168. Associate Editor: John Glass 4242 Wilkinson Avenue, Studio City, CA 91604; 818-766-6381 Assistant Editor: Louisa Howe Psychomotor Institute, 60 Western Avenue, Cambridge, MA 02139; (617) 354-1044. Historical Section Editor: Jan M. Fritz 7300 Aracoma Forest, Cincinnati, OH 45237; (513) 556-4943. Practice Notes Editor: Ann Marie Ellis Department of Sociology, ELA-244, Southwest Texas State University, San Marcos, TX 78666; (512) 2453826. The Clinical Sociology Review acknowledges with thanks the following special reviewers: Sarah Brabant Ann Marie Ellis Jan Fritz Eric A. Wagner Bonnie L. Lewis Mary Sengstock John Bruhn Tamara Ferguson John F. Glass David J. Kallen Richard Lusky Wayne Seelbach Elizabeth J. Clark Ramona Ford J. Barry Gurdin Ray Kirshak Julia A. Mayo Pierrette Hondagnew-Sotelo Beverly Cuthbertson-Johnson Jonathan Freedman John E. Holman Richard Knudten Phillip Robinette The Clinical Sociology Review also wishes to acknowledge with thanks the clerical contributions of Gail Childs and Sandra Walker. Sociological Practice Association K E N D A L L / H U N T P U B L I S H I N G C O M P A N Y 40 50 W e s t m a r k D r i v e Dubuque, lowa 5 2 0 0 2 The Clinical Sociology Review is published annually by Kendall Hunt, Inc., in association with the Sociological Practice Association, a professional organization of clinical and applied sociologists. Abstracts of all articles appear in Sociological Abstracts and selected abstracts appear in Social Work Research and Abstracts. Clinical sociology is the creation of new systems as well as the intervention in existing systems for purposes of assessment and/or change. Clinical sociologists are humanistic scientists who are multi-disciplinary in approach. They engage in planned social change efforts by focusing on one system level (e.g. interpersonal small group, organization, community, international), but they do so from a sociological frame of reference. Clinical Sociology Review publishes articles, essays, and research reports concerned with clinical uses of sociological theory, findings, or methods, which demonstrate how clinical practice at the individual,small group, large organization, or social system level contributes to the development of theory, or how theory may be may be used to bring about change. Articles may also be oriented to the teaching of clinical sociology. Shorter articles discussing teaching techniques or practice concepts may be submitted to the Teaching Notes Section or Practice Notes Section. Manuscripts will be reviewed both for merit and for relevance to the special interest of the Review. Full length manuscripts should be submitted to the Editor, W. David Watts, Vice President for Academic Affairs, Jacksonville State University, 700 Pelham Road N, Jacksonville, Alabama 36265; (205) 782-5540. Manuscript submissions should follow the latest American Sociological Association style guidelines, including reference citation style, and should include an abstract. Suggested length for full length manuscripts is 20 pages double spaced, and for Teaching or Practice Notes, eight pages double spaced. There is a $15.00 processing fee which is waived for members of the Sociological Practice Association. Send four copies of the manuscript to the appropriate editor. Final copies of manuscripts should be sent on an IBM compatible disk, either in ASCII or a standard word processor text. Books for consideration for review in the Clinical Sociology Review should be sent directly to the book review editor: Harry Cohen, Department of Sociology, Iowa State University, Ames, IA 50011; (515) 294-3591. Subscription and membership inquiries about the Sociological Practice Association should be sent directly to the Treasurer: Mary Cay Sengstock, 21502 Wedgewood Ave.,Grosse Point Woods, MI 48236; (313) 331-0453 or (313) 577-2287. Copyright © 1995 by the Sociological Practice Association. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 0730-840X ISBN 1-885196-03-2 ISBN 0-7872-1626-7 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owner. Printed in the United States of America CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY REVIEW Volume 13, 1995 Contents Editor's Preface About the Authors HISTORY OF CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY ix xi Special Moments, Special Times: Problematic Occasions Following the Death of a Child Sarah Brabant, Craig J. Forsyth, and Glenda McFarlain 57 Structural, Normative, and Communal Integration in Organizations Clovis R. Shepherd 70 Effects of Organizing Voluntary Help on Social Support, Stress and Health of Elderly People Peter C. Meyer and Monica Budowski TEACHING NOTES PRACTICE NOTES The Secret Garden of Sociology The Sociologist as Mitigation Expert in First Degree Murder Cases Clarence C. Schultz 129 Craig J. Forsyth 134 World Without Words: The Social Construction of Children Born Deaf and Blind by David Goode Emotions in Organizations by Stephen Fineman Mitchell A. Kaplan 145 Glenn E. Nilson 147 I. A. M. (Integrated Anger Management): A Common Sense Guide to Coping with Anger by Melvin L. Fein L. John Brinkerhoff Power in the Highest Degree: Professionals and the Rise of a New Mandarin Order by Charles Derber, William A. Schwartz, Yale Magrass Jawad Fatayer 149 150 Sociology, Anthropology, and Development: An Annotated Bibliography of World Bank Publications 1975-1993 by Michael M. Cernea Desmond M. Connor 152 The Mystery of Goodness and the Positive Moral Consequences of Psychotherapy by Mary W. Nicholas This Rough Magic: The Life of Teaching by Daniel A. Lindley When Love Dies: The Process of Marital Disaffection by Karen Kayden Dean Reschke 158 vii Julia A. Mayo 154 Dean S. Dorn 156 RESUMES EN FRANCAIS by Ronald Koss Editor's Preface W. David Watts Jacksonville State University Volume 13 of the Clinical Sociology Review represents a number of important changes in the life of the journal. First, the transition in publishers from Michigan State University Press, via the University of North Texas Press, to Kendall Hunt is complete. Contrary to rumor, the Clinical Sociology Review is alive and well. Additional copies of Volume 13 can be obtained from Kendall Hunt. Copies of back issues can be ordered from The Clinical Sociology Review, Department of Sociology, Jacksonville State University, Jacksonville, AL. 36265. Back issues are $16.50 for individuals, plus $3.00 postage and $25.50 for institutions, plus $3.00 postage. Second, readers of the journal owe a debt of gratitude for the superhuman service that Susan Brown Eve, past editor of the Review has given. She took over the journal in 1992 and has done an outstanding job. Third, this issue is a joint effort by the authors and Associate Editor, Hugh McCain, who is Professor of Sociology at Jacksonville State University. When Hugh agreed to serve as an Assistant Editor last year, he was not aware of the full range of responsibilities that were associated with the publication of the Review. He is now and has earned the promotion to Associate Editor. Special thanks are also due to Gail Childs and Sandra Walker for the generous giving of their time and skills for preparation of this issue for press. The authors' contributions, like other issues of the Review, provide a high quality mixture of application of sociological theory and method to all levels of practice. These articles, which stand on their own merits, represent a further development of the practice of the discipline. While all the articles are worthy, I want to draw your attention to two in parix ticular. The first article, by David J. Kallen, President of the Sociological Practice Association, adds to our insight about the history of both sociology and its less favored partner, clinical sociology. Kallen tells us that the adoption of a clinical approach was rejected in favor of what Mills has called abstract empiricism and grand theory. The second article, by Clarence C. Schultz, in the Practice Notes Section, tells us in metaphor of the consequences of the choices that the discipline has made. Like the secret garden of fiction, Schultz, like Kallen and all our authors, would have us reopen that garden and tend it. Volume 13 of the Clinical Sociology Review contributes to that tradition. W. David Watts Editor About the Authors Sarah Brabant is currently Professor of Sociology at the University of Southwestern Louisiana. She is a Certified Clinical Sociologist and holds additional certifications in Death Education, Grief Counseling, and Family Life Education. Her publications on grief, death, and related issues appear in Omega, The Hospice Journal, ADEC Forum, Illness, Crisis & Loss, Teaching Sociology, International Journal of Addictions, Death Studies, Clinical Sociology Review, and Journal of Gerontological Social Work. John G. Bruhn is Provost, Dean and Professor of Sociology at Perm State Harrisburg. He has become interested in organizational behavior and has published several articles on this topic in the past few years. He received his PhD from Yale University in medical sociology in 1961. Monica Budowski Ph.D. is an ethnologist, who has worked in various research projects funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. Her work has included research and publications about women (single mothers, family formation), and cooperation and organization of health care in the community. She has conducted ethnological research in Bangladesh and Costa Rica. Alan P. Chesney is Director, Human Resource Services and Lecturer in Marketing and Management at the University of Texas at El Paso. His interests are in diversity management, human resources management, and organizational behavior. He received his PhD from Case Western Reserve University in sociology in 1971. Craig J. Forsyth is an Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Southwestern Louisiana. He received his Ph.D from Louisiana State University. He is a Certified Clinical Sociologist and has worked as a mitigation expert in over forty capital murder cases. The xi xii author of over eighty publications, his principal research interests are in the areas of family, crime, and deviance. C. Margaret Hall is a professor and former chair of the Department of Sociology at Georgetown University, Washington, D.C. She is currently Director of Women's Studies and teaches service learning internship seminars. She has a private practice in individual and family therapy and is an organizational development consultant. Dr. Hall has organized women's empowerment discussion groups in the Washington metropolitan area for the last seven years. Her research and publications focus on the social sources and social consequences of identity and on theory construction in clinical sociology. David J. Kallen is Professor of Pediatrics/Human Development at Michigan State University. A Ph.D. in social psychology from the University of Michigan, he has also worked as Research Director of the Health and Welfare Council of the Baltimore Area and as a Health Scientist Administrator in the National Institute of Mental Health and the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. He has published in a variety of fields, including nutrition and development and sexual behavior of adolescents. He is currently President of the Sociological Practice Association. Tracy X. Karner is an Assistant Research Professor in the Gerontology Center at the University of Kansas. Her current research focuses on the intersection of memory, narrative, and identity. She has published works concerning narrative with regard to qualitative methods, ethnic identity, and gender. Glenda McFarlain received her BA with a major in Sociology and a minor in Psychology from the University of Southwestern Louisiana in 1991. A bereaved parent herself, she has been active for a number of years in promoting bereavement support groups in south Louisiana. She is presently employed as a Case Manager at Professional Resource Network, Inc. working with the developmentally disable population. Peter C. Meyer Ph.D. is a sociologist and head of the division of health sociology at the department of Psychosocial Medicine (director: Prof.Dr.med. Claus Buddeberg), University Hospital of Zurich, Switzerland. He has been doing research in medical and health sociology and published several books and articles on topics like drug addiction, evaluation, social support, mental health, health care, lay help system. ABOUT THE AUTHORS xiii Clarence C. Schultz is Professor Emeritus at Southwest Texas (SWT) State University, where he began as an undergraduate student in 1943. After graduate work and teaching at the University of Texas, teaching and administration at Lee College, Dr. Schultz returned to SWT to teach in the Sociology Department. Between 1971 and 1978, Professor Schultz served as Chair of the Department of Sociology/Anthropology and Social Work and Dean of the School of Liberal Arts. He is known to thousands of Texas college students as an outstanding teacher, the winner of numerous teaching awards, including the coveted Piper Professor Award for outstanding college teaching in Texas. He helped craft an applied undergraduate degree program in Sociology at SWT and the department's activities which led to the American Sociological Association's Distinguished Contributions to Teaching Award in 1990. Last year, Dr. Schultz addressed students, faculty and initiates at the induction ceremony for Alpha Kappa Delta. His speech is printed here as The Secret Garden of Sociology. Clovis R. Sheperd received his Ph.D. at UCLA in 1958, taught at UC Santa Barbara from 1957-64, was with NTL Institute for Applied Behavioral Science, Washington, DC, 1964-67, Professor of Sociology and Psychiatry, University of Cincinnati, 1967-85, Professor Emeritus, UC, and Adjunct Professor, University of New Mexico, 1985 to present. He has published papers and books in social psychology, small groups, and organizational behavior. He currently is a consultant to the VA Medical Center, Albuquerque, NM, does some volunteer teaching at UNM, and is a research consultant to the Center on Aging, UNM. Kathleen H. Sparrow is Associate Professor of Sociology and Director of Minority Affairs at the University of Southwestern Louisiana. Her areas of interest are Race Relations, Marriage and the Family and Social Problems. She has published in a range of sociological journals and recently completed a book chapter on African-American women. Carol A.B. Warren is professor and chair of sociology at the University of Kansas. Her books include Madwives: Schizophrenic Women in the 1950s (Rutgers 1987) and Gender Issues in Field Research (Sage 1988). She has written extensively in the fields of mental illness and qualitative methodology. Currently,she is preparing a manuscript on the history of the psychiatric uses of electricity, entitled The Body Electric. Some History of Clinical Sociology and 1 Sociological Practice, Part I David J. Kallen, Ph.D., C.C.S. Michigan State University From the beginning of the discipline, sociologists have used their knowledge to bring about change. This paper reviews the early antecedents of sociological practice, and then concentrates on three areas of practice as illustrative of practice. These are: studies in intergroup relations, before and after World War II; the studies of the morale of soldiers conducted during the Second World War; and the juvenile delinquency and poverty programs. After the end of World War II the focus of sociology shifted from the outside world to disciplinary concerns, and theoretical development was seen as incompatible with the use of sociology. Sociological practice has emerged as a social movement within sociology in response to the problems created by this shift in focus. This article ends with a description of the paradigm shift; a later article will discuss the recent emergence of sociological practice. Introduction Clinical sociology is the use of sociological theory, methods, or findings to bring about change at the individual,small group, large organization, institutional or social system level. As such, it is part of the larger emphasis within sociology known as sociological practice. Practice includes the uses of sociology in a variety of settings for a variety of purposes. The uniqueness of clinical sociology is its focus on change, and it is this focus on change which distinguishes clinical from other forms of sociological practice, including applied sociology. This paper discusses some of the origins of sociological practice, with a particular emphasis on the aspects currently regarded as clinical. In the historical development of sociology, practice was a normal part of what the sociologist did. It is only in recent years that practice has become a separate sub-field and practitioners separately labeled within sociology. A paradigm shift which took place before and after World War II (Buxton and Turner, 1992) changed the emphasis in sociology to the development of theory without regard for how it was used. Later consequences of this paradigm shift led to (a perceived) decline within the field, and the emergence of the Practice Movement as a way of revitalizing the discipline. This paper traces sociological practice from its beginnings in sociology to the time when sociological practice began to emerge as a social movement within sociology. Most of the important work cited in this paper was done by sociologists who did not have a separate label of clinical or applied or practicing sociologists; they were sociologists who were doing their work as sociologists.2 A later paper will discuss this emergence of practice as a separate field within sociology.3 European Antecedents Sociology had it intellectual roots in European philosophy and economics. There can be many arguments about when sociology really started, and which of the early scholars has a current influence on clinical sociology. Certainly Machiavelli (1988), although generally considered a political scientist, can be given credit for applying the systematic study of social relationships to individual and social change. In his intellectual and social history of sociology, Coser (1977)4 focuses on six of the early European scholars: August Comte, Karl Marx, Herbert Spencer, Emile Durkheim, Georg Simmel and Max Weber. Of these, it is probably Marx, Durkheim and Weber whose theories are most used today by clinical sociologists. Coser credits August Comte with being the first to use the term sociology. Comte himself "emphasized that theoretical work had to take precedence over reform activities, and that establishing the foundations of the scientific doctrine was more important for the time being than effecting any practical influence," (Coser, p. 16) a viewpoint that was to dominate much of American sociology for many years. Karl Marx, of course, intended that his writings be the basis for planned change, and was disappointed that during his lifetime the revolution did not arise. Marx made his living outside of academia, when he made a living at all. It is ironic that his intellectual heirs in American sociology, the conflict theorists, are more content to analyze than they are to use their knowledge of social systems to bring about change. Max Weber, on the other hand, although himself active in a number of political causes, called for a value neutrality in the social sciences, divorcing them from any thought of action. Coser points out that (p. xv), "his appeal for value neutrality was intended as a thoroughly liberating endeavor to free the social sciences from the stultifying embrace of the powers that be and to assert the right, indeed the duty, of the investigator to pursue the solution to his problem regardless of whether his results serve or hinder the affairs of the national state." This view that the sociologist should follow his own values and not be bound by those of the state became transformed by the discipline into the stance that acting on values was antithetical to scientific sociology. Emile Durkheim, whose writings on social structure and anomie were to become a major influence on intervention programs in the United States, spent most of his career as an academic. While most of his work was primarily theoretical, his work on education was intended to influence the nature of French education in his time. He put his ideas to good use in the administration of the Sorbonne, and in his influence on the French Ministry of Education. "Nothing is so vain and sterile as that scientific puritanism which, under the pretext that science is not fully established, counsels abstention and recommends to men that they stand by as indifferent witnesses, or at least resigned ones, at the march of events" (Durkheim, 1956, p. 104, quoted by Coser, 1977, p. 170). Early U.S. Sociologists Early sociology in the United States reflected this conflict between scholarship and action. In Ann Arbor, Charles Horton Cooley, whose theories about the importance of the primary group had a major influence on the clinical sociology of later times, eschewed action, living a relatively secluded life in a quiet University town (Coser, 1977). Interestingly enough, it was Cooley's discussion of the relationship between theory and practice that Wirth (1931) quoted in support of Wirth's ideas of clinical sociology. On the other hand, George Herbert Mead, who taught at the University of Michigan at the same time as Cooley prior to his move to Chicago, and whose ideas about the development of the self in social interaction became the basis for later theories of individual intervention, was more a person of action. He was involved with Jane Adams at Hull House, and with an association of Chicago businessmen working for social reform (Coser, 1977). The fact that Mead wrote little during his own lifetime, and that most of his major work has come down through the notes of his students, means that little is known of his thoughts on the relationship between theory and practice. However, as a member of the Chicago school, and as an active teacher and collaborator of Jane Adams, it seems likely that Mead was concerned about how his ideas were used in everyday life. Much has been written about the Sociology Department at the University of Chicago during the first quarter of this century. Composed of men who formed a core group in American pragmatism, and who appear to have been conflicted about sociology's role in social reform, the Department had a lasting influence on sociology's involvement in real world activities. However, as described by Deegan (1986), social reform was primarily left to a group of women sociologists who did not receive academic recognitionfor their efforts. Centered around Jane Adams at Hull House, these women were left to 'do good' outside of academia, and without the peer recognition received by their male colleagues. According to Deegan (1988), many of the male faculty of the Sociology Department of the University of Chicago were involved with Hull House. These included Albion W. Small, the founding chair of the Department, reform leader Charles W. Henderson, Charles Zeublin, who made settlement work his own as well, William I. Thomas, George Herbert Mead, Ernest Burgess and Robert Park.Although, according to Deegan, Park was greatly involved with social reform movements, his ideological stance against sociology being involved with action is reflected in his influential writings. Between the Wars If many of the intellectual antecedents of clinical sociology were developed in the early days of sociology, the period between the first and second world wars saw the beginning of modern clinical sociology. The first known references to the concept of clinical sociology come in 1930 and 1931. In 1930, Dean Milton C. Winternitz of the School of Medicine at Yale University proposed the development of a Department of Clinical Sociology within the school. This department would have "the responsibility of acquainting the student with methods of obtaining a sociological history and of conducting a sociological examination .. . (the student will learn) to approach the social problems of the individual." This examination of the social life of the individual will enable the physician to "piece together the different facets of the many aspects of life that may contribute to the particular indisposition of the patient and that may require adjustment for his future well being" (Winternitz, 1930a, pp. 28-29).5 This, of course, has not yet occurred. Waitzkin (1991) points out that even today physicians are reluctant to explore and attempt to deal with issues in the patient's life created by social problems, preferring to deal with strictly medical or psychological issues in which the physician can directly intervene. At about the same time, Wirth (1931) described the role of clinical sociology within child guidance clinics. Quoting Cooley's support of the interconnection between theory and practice, Wirth calls for the sociologist to be involved in studying the social life of the child and in helping to design and implement changes which will bring about an improved life for the child. He also suggests that the training of physicians is deficient in sociology—an issue which Winternitz also addressed as Dean of the Yale Medical School (Winternitz, 1930b). Gordon (1989) suggests that Wirth and Winternitz must have known each other. She also suggests that it was the opposition of Abraham Flexner, who studied American medicine for the Carnegie Corporation, which led to the failure of the Yale proposal to receive funding. The theme of sociological involvement in the study and change of individual lives has continued to be a major focus of clinical sociology. Among the early writers, Zorbaugh (1939), and Dunham (1972), discuss the appropriate role for sociologists in these endeavors, and recent writings in the Clinical Sociology Review suggest modern approaches to changes in individual lives. For example, Ferguson and her colleagues (1992) demonstrate the need to integrate therapies in the treatment of mentally ill individuals. Community development was also a major theme at this time. Perhaps the best known advocate of this was Saul Alinsky, (1934; 1984) whose work in the "Back of the Yards" community development organization in Chicago became a prototype for later efforts to involve 'indigenous' people in the war on poverty. The idea of neighborhood involvement was utilized by urban renewal planners in the fifties and sixties, perhaps in an effort to co-opt residents whose neighborhoods were being renewed into supporting these renewal efforts, and later by poverty programs as a way of empowering recipients of program efforts. Intergroup Relations Before and After World War Two In 1937 the Carnegie Corporation, whose support of the Flexner commission on Medical Education in 1910 served to exclude women and people of color from medical training (Brown, 1979), hired the Swedish sociologist, Gunnar Myrdal, to conduct a study of "The Negro Problem." Myrdal was chosen because he was a respected sociologist who came from a country without major minority groups; the Carnegie Corporation therefore felt that he would present an unbiased point of view. Myrdal himself perceived the issue as a moral dilemma, the ever raging conflict between, on the one hand, the valuations preserved on the general plane which we shall call the 'American Creed,', where the American thinks, talks, and acts under the influence of high national and Christian precepts, and, on the other hand, the valuations on specific planes of individual and group living, where personal and local interests; economic, social, and sexual jealousies; considerations of community prestige and conformity; group prejudice against particular persons or types of people; and all sorts of miscellaneous wants impulses, and habits dominate his outlook. (Myrdal, 1944, p. xvii.) The sponsors of the study felt that it should "make the facts available and let them speak for themselves ... (the foundation) does not undertake to instruct the public as to what to do about them" (Myrdal,p. v.). However, the study also contributed to "the need of the foundation itself for fuller light in the formation and development of its own program" (p. v). Although the book had been completed in 1942, and hence the basic data had been collected prior to the United State's entry into World War II, the 1944 publication meant that its major impact would come after the war ended in 1945. It was remarkable both for its involvement of many African-American and white scholars of the day, and for its neglect of many other prominent African-American scholars. Although there are many references to the work of W.E.B. DuBois, there is no evidence that he was personally consulted about the study. DuBois was one of the first African-Americans to become a sociologist. As a sociologist and as an activist he made monumental contributions to race relations and to scholarship in the period from 1900 to the Second World War (DuBois, 1944; Aptheker, 1990). He moved from research in which he hoped the facts would speak for themselves to activism as one of the founders of the NAACP and back to scholarship again. Another neglected black sociologist of the prewar era, George Edmund Haynes started as a scholar, and then for many years headed the Commission on Race Relations of the Federal Council of Churches in America (Hunter, 1988). In this position, he developed a series of interracial and intercultural clinics to help communities deal with tensions arising from specific local problems (Haynes, 1946). Although An American Dilemma was not intended as a blueprint for social action, it did serve to raise the consciousness of American sociologists about issues involving intergroup relations. But it was not alone in this. The temper of the times, which included the air of optimism which resulted from the end of the Second World War, the demands of veterans, both black and white, for more equal treatment, the desegregation of the Armed Forces by President Truman in 1948 (McCullough 1992), all led to an increase in concern about intergroup relations. Although many of the leading social scientists of the day were involved with Myrdal's work, many others were not. Charles Gomillion, who taught for many years at Tuskeegee Institute, was actively involved in civic leadership as a teacher, citizen, and sociologist. It was Gomillion, who as President of the Tuskeegee Citizens Association, led the fight against the gerrymandering of the civic boundaries of Tuskeegee to deny effective voting rights to the Negro citizens of the area. The court fight led eventually to a victory in the United States Supreme Court, a decision which later was instrumental in the Court's 'one man one vote' rule (Gomillion, 1962; 1988). In "The Role of the Sociologist in Community Action in the Rural South" Gomillion (1988) discusses the ways in which the knowledge and perceptions of the sociologist can be used to help citizens define the issues to be worked on, the resources needed to change the situation, and the development of appropriate and acceptable solutions. The concerns raised by An American Dilemma led both to an explosion in research, and to a focus on the uses of that research in solving some of the problems thus revealed. At the University of Minnesota, Arnold Rose, who had been one of the major contributors to An American Dilemma, embarked upon a program of research on race relations. His reader on Race, Prejudice and Discrimination (Rose, 1951) included a major section on "Proposed Techniques for Eliminating Minority Problems." At the Anti-Defamation League of B'Nai B'rith, Leo Srole headed a research department concerned with the development of action projects in which theory would be used as the basis for projects intended to reduce prejudice and discrimination. At Cornell University a remarkable group of scholars coalesced in a department in which the uses of sociology was an underlying, although unstated theme.6 Book Reviews A WorldWithout Words: The Social Construction of Children BornDeaf And Blind, by David Goode. Philadelphia: Temple University Press,Health, Society, And Policy Series, 1994. 261 pp. $44.95 cloth ISBN 1-56639-215-2. $18.95 paper ISBN 1-56639-216-0. Mitchell A. Kaplan, Ph.D, C.S.R.S. Senior Research Associate New York State Consortiumfor the Study of Disabilities Office of Academic Affairs City University of New York David Goode has written a book which represents an important milestone in the sociological study of disability. Goode began his ground-breaking research on children with disabilities in the early 1970's when he was a graduate student completing work on his doctorate in sociology at UCLA. The research reported in this book was supported by a United States Public Health Service grant given to the Mental Retardation Research Center at the University of California at Los Angeles. The study was conducted between 1973 and 1976 under the supervision of senior ethnomethodologists Harold Garfinkel and Melvin Pollner whose teachings Goode drew upon very heavily in the conceptualization of his research. Goode's research focused upon the clinical application of ethnomethodological techniques to the understanding of the day-to-day lives of children with rubella syndrome who were born deaf, blind, and mentally retarded in the 1960's. Utilizing participant observation techniques and ethnographic personal accounts, Goode's research opens a doorway for readers into the little known and little understood world of social interaction existing between children with severe multiple disabilities and the adult direct care workers and family care-givers who take care of them. The book is organized into seven chapters, each dealing with a different stage of research process. In Chapter One Goode gives readers a clear, concise, overview of the content of each section of the book and his reasons for wanting to get involved in this type of social research. In Chapters Two and Three Goode describes his "in-depth" personal observations of two deaf/blind mentally impaired children with whom he spent time, one living in an institutional setting of a state hospital ward and the other living in a non-institutional family setting. One of the critical questions that guided Goode's research was his desire to know and understand how deaf/blind mentally retarded children who have not developed formal verbal language skills communicate their basic human wants, needs, and desires to the adults who take care of them. In order to answer this question, Goode spent time observing and taking care of two deaf/blind mentally retarded children in their natural environments. Based upon his behavioral observations of the social interaction between himself and the two deaf/blind children with whom he lived, Goode was able to determine that despite their severe physical and mental limitations, these children were very capable of communicating their basic human wants, needs, and desires through a series of complex bodily gestures and routinized behavioral responses to stimuli in their immediate social environments. In Chapter Four Goode reflects on the potential for human understanding without shared formal symbolic language. In his reflections on this issue, the author posits that shared formal language ability is but one of many human faculties allowing people to experience the world of social reality. It is indeed possible, for adults who can see and hear, to achieve rich, meaningful, and multifaceted relationships with children who do not possess the functional facility for shared symbolic verbal language. In Chapter Five Goode discusses the epistemological relationship between events as they occur in what he calls the lived order of everyday life and the representation of these everyday life events as seen in the data collected in social scientific research. In Chapter Six Goode reviews the findings of a number of social scientific studies that have attempted to examine the social relationship between adults and children. Goode argues that most of the social scientific research that has been conducted during the course of the last several decades has examined the phenomena of adult/child interaction from the adult point of view. Goode posits that children think about and organize the events in their everyday world in a different way than adults do. He uses the term "Kids Culture" (p.166) to describe the way children see and act upon events in their everyday world. Goode notes that it is within this kid culture that children learn to experience their world in a BOOK REVIEWS 147 more autonomous way enabling them to develop separate self-identities without adult intervention. Goode further notes that access and participation in kid culture is not guaranteed to all children in our society. He argues that because children with severe disabilities have so much of their sense of self-identity given to them by the adults who care for them, they are often denied access to kid culture. Therefore, they never learn to experience and organize their everyday world in the same way normal children do. In Chapter Seven Goode discusses the conclusions of his research and summarizes what has happened to the deaf/blind mentally retarded children and their families in the twenty year period since his study was completed. Goode argues that research on disability is still in its early stages of development. Researchers need to spend more time directly observing and talking with people with disabilities,in order for them to fully understand the realities of their everyday world. The author concludes that in the last two decades some improvements have been made in the quality of services offered to severely disabled children and their families. However, there is still much that needs to be done to assist individuals with severe disabilities to achieve fullintegration into the mainstream of society. In the opinion of this reviewer, Goode's book represents a passionate appeal for human understanding. The author's treatment of a difficult human issue is caring and sensitive. The narrative descriptions in the book are presented to readers in a clear, concise, and informative way. The book would make an excellent text for social scientists developing university level courses on psychosocial aspects of disability. The book would also make an excellent resource for special education and human service professionals working in community-based agencies providing needed educational and social services to children with severe disabilities and their families. Emotion in Organizations offers an important contribution to the study of emergent changes in the sociology of organizations, especially organizational change. It challenges the reader to reconceptualize certain fundamental assumptions about organizations and organizational behavior, namely the occurrence and function of emotions in organizations. Although the current work is imbued with a strong focus on gender issues, it also manages to transcend that discussion and points up the important value addition from feminist sociology to the sociology of emotion. While the book does not attempt to set forth a single coherent new theory of emotions, relying instead on "... existing social constructionist and psychodynamic thought," it offers a tantalizing challenge to theoretical formulation nevertheless. In short, this collection of essays leads the reader into an exciting frontier of important sociological challenge and growth. Bureaucracy, the epitome of rational social behavior, has been assumed to be—and idealized as—a place without emotional interference. The book shows that this idealization is dependent upon a false understanding of emotions. Emotions are not surgically excised from the organizational corpus; rather much social and psychological work in organizations is directed toward the management and repression of unaccepted emotions. As the reader begins to glimpse the social nature of emotional behavior, it also becomes apparent that this area of study has been sadly neglected in sociological research, both in and beyond organizations. The readings point out that it is through successful feminist contributions to sociology that emotions, especially emotions in organizational settings, have begun to lose their pathological stigma. The discussion is no longer limited to arguing the legitimacy of emotions in women in organizations. Instead, the reader is introduced to a different perspective on the emotional emancipation of men as well. Emotions, regardless of gender, are socially derived and managed, and not genetically fixed in gender differentiated chromosome configurations. While the dominance of males over social science, etc., is not a new conflict issue, it is particularly rewarding to begin to see what contributions a shared scientific platform has to offer. Since conflict theory has appeared to provide a major basis for the study and discussion of gender issues, it is also particularly exciting to glimpse the rich potential in the study of emotions from other perspectives, such as micro-theoretical and, hopefully, symbolic interactionist perspectives. Fineman suggests that emotions must be understood from a diversity of such perspectives rather than sociologists and social-psychologists engaging in destructive conflict to determine a single victor. If there is any weakness in the presentation of the perspectives included in this work, it is in the repeated digression into gender conflict issues and the effects of male organizational dominance. All-in-all, this book was engrossing, inspiring, and challenging. It stands as a must for anyone interested especially in organizations, and organizational change, but also is important for anyone seeking insights into cutting-edge developments in sociology. I.A.M. (Integrated Anger Management): A Common Sense Guide to Coping with Anger, by Melvin L. Fein. Westport, CN: Praeger, 1993, 231 pp. $12.95 paper. ISBN 0-275-94244-9. $49.95 cloth. ISBN 0-275-94773-4. L. John Brinkerhoff The Center for Individual and Family Services Mansfield, Ohio How might one interpret, in a book written about anger management, the not infrequent application by its author of such terms as "stupid" or "fashionable pap" to that with which he is in disagreement? Initially amusing, eventually annoying, the overall effect was to distract this reader in reviewing an otherwise interesting and welcome contribution to the literature. More about this matter later. The contents of the book are summarized nicely on its back cover: Despite our justified fears of its destructiveness, anger is an essential part of our social life. I.A.M. providesa way to take advantage of this by offering a step-by-step guide for 1. keeping the emotion safe, 2. learning to tolerate its sometimesoverwhelming intensity, 3. evaluating its often disguised objectives, 4. relinquishing impossible aims, and 5. realistically employing its power to obtain critical goals. A broad audience would seem intended, including those in search of self-help in managing anger, clinicians, sociologists of emotion, and the general reader. The book is especially interesting in its treatment of anger from the perspective of the sociology of emotions, in making explicit the social construction, negotiation, and role of anger, and the advantages accruing to those who master the emotion. The chapters "Anger and the Family" and "Anger and Organizational Leadership" are recommended reading in particular. In many ways, however, the person struggling with anger seems to be to whom the book is primarily addressed. The author, in a rather touching preface, reveals motivations for writing this book that well transcend the merely academic or clinical. Perhaps it is this self-help quality that accounts for the aforementioned distractions in a style of writing not uncommon to this particular genre. In writing for clinicians, the author acknowledges the many competing voices in the field of anger management, but asserts that each, in its own way, lacks a needed comprehensiveness of approach, particularly with regard to addressing the more sociological dimensions of the emotion. The author's stated contribution is to integrate these various perspectives and approaches to bring about this comprehensiveness, thereby offering greater potential for success in managing anger. Within the book, the author does not indicate if I.A.M. either has undergone or is undergoing any controlled or comparative clinical study. Finally, this reviewer recommends that the author consider developing a clinical manual for I.A.M. This can elaborate upon concepts and interventions proposed and can reduce the amount of reading time for practitioners who presumably hold much of the contents within their clinical domain of knowledge and practice, although as the author asserts, not yet in holistic form. Power in the Highest Degree: Professionals and the Rise of a New Mandarin Order, by Charles Berber, William A. Schwartz and Yale Magrass. New York: Oxford University Press, Inc., 1990.275 pp. $12.95. ISBN 0-19-503778-2 Jawad Fatayer The American University in Cairo, Egypt In the light of fundamental socio-political changes in Eastern Europe and the former USSR since the 1989 revolution,new social orders have emerged around the world. It is a period that one can easily label a post-cold war era. With the unpredictability of the future, and the uncertainty of the present, nontraditional methods of analysis have become eminent to explain and understand the world's behavior. Such new methods of analysis must be able to probe into the past in the light of the dynamics of the present. The task of explaining fundamental socio-political issues such as power and class conflict as well as stability, freedom, and democracy, seem to preoccupy social scientists in general and sociologists in particular. The work of Derber, Schwartz and Magrass in their book, Power in the Highest Degree, offers a challenging perspective in explaining and studying the concept of power. Their work is profound to the sociological theory and methodology of power and authority in modern society. The authors are articulate in presenting a new argument to the concept of power. Their empirical methodology has brought particular dynamics to their theorizing. The authors analyze the concept of power in a new term, i.e., knowledge, which offers a vital understanding of professions in contemporary society. The authors contend that professional knowledge is as critical as capital to power. They provide an analysis that makes the traditional Marxist perspective on power sound reductionist. The authors argue that the merits of professionalism are increasingly enshrined in our language and that professionals now connote competence, expertise and impartial authority. Derber, Schwartz and Magrass warn of the dark side of professionalism where a new proletariat has emerged. This new proletariat is composed of a majority of uncredentialed professionals. Alongside the main capitalist command structure based on money, professionals have created a second hierarchy based on credentialed expertise. The authors point out two systems of authority to define the new social order that they refer to as "Mandarin Capitalism." These are capitalists and certified experts. In their analysis, they point out that although professionals argue that power based on knowledge is natural andjustifiable, unlike power based on wealth or violence, professionalism erodes the rights of those not certified as experts, bringing its own threats to democracy and equality. The authors insist that power based on knowledge is a basic form of class power. Through their analysis from history and the present, the authors contend that while today's most powerful knowledge class—professionals—does not rule in any society, professionals have infused both capitalism and socialism with modern mandarin logic. Professionals have essentially turned modern knowledge into private property, as in Mandarin China; such intellectual property is becoming the coin of the realm convertible into class power, privilege and status. The authors illustrate the case of the United States in which they see three, not two, major classes emerging: capitalists, workers, and professionals, each class vying with the others. The authors provide case analysis on Eastern Europe, China, and the former USSR. In this work, professionals are viewed as a class which relies mainly on claims to knowledge rather than labor or capital as the basis of their quest for wealth and power. Examples are physicians and attorneys. The book also provides essential empirical data on the rise of professionals in Eastern and Western societies. This work is divided into six parts and includes seventeen chapters. In the first part, the authors explore how knowledge, like capital, can become private property, the basis of class power. In parts two and three, the authors tell the story of the birth and rise of modern experts and show how professionals have constituted themselves as a class by creating faith in their own version of objective knowledge and by helping to shape both education and the division of labor. In part four, the authors look at "Mandarin Capitalism"—today's new social order and theprofessional's privileged role in it. In part five, the authors explore the values and political ideology of professionals and ask whether they might unify to pursue a more politically ambitious mandarin agenda. In parts four and five, the authors report interviews in which professionals spoke about the just rewards of expertise, about their power over workers and clients, about their "professional culture" and about their ambivalent loyalties to their employers and to capitalism itself. In part six, the authors explore the possibilities of a "post-professional society" in which expertise is socialized. Prosperity and freedom, the authors suggest, depend increasingly on putting knowledge, as well as capital, at the disposal of the people and giving them the opportunity to develop skills and become productive thinkers. This work is a synthesis in social and political theory. It is well written and clear, and presents a concise argument to the concept of power. I consider this work a fundamental—must be read—contribution in social science literature. For those who are interested in critical thinking, the authors offer a new explanatory tool for the power equation in modern society. Power in the Highest Degree is recommended to scholars in social sciences and to all professionals. Sociology, Anthropology, and Development: An Annotated Bibliography of World Bank Publications 1975-1993, by Michael M. Cernea. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 1994. 314 pp. $29.95 paper. ISBN 0-8213-2781-X. Desmond M. Connor Connor Development Services Ltd. Victoria, EC. Canada Nearly two decades of writing in applied sociology and anthropology, some 400 publications in all, are summarized here for easy access by applied social scientists, development practitioners and academics— scholars or students. Without this compilation, most of these monographs and studies would have drifted into obscurity and nothingness. Entries are organized by categories: BOOK REVIEWS 153 • • • • • Social science and development. Social organization and social actors. Settlement and resettlement. Social variables in environmental management. Social policy in sectorial analysis (housing and urban development, rural development, agricultural extension, education, health, roads, energy use). Social research and methodologies. Items can also be accessed by author, title and geographic location. Taken together, this body of work indicates how applied sociology and anthropology are contributing both to (a) individual, community and economic development, and (b) the testing and elaboration of theory, methods and professional practice. In my own area, public participation, fifteen papers include references to: a Bank-wide learning group on participation; proceedings of several conferences on participation; a case study of "bottom-up planning" in Mexico; another case of three water supply projects in Kenya and Mexico; a comparative review of participation in National Environmental Action Plans in five countries; a toolkit for trainers in public participation; field methods for participative gender analysis; and a comparative analysis of fifty projects with and without participation. This volume also reflects the author's twenty years of work with the Bank, beginning as its first in-house sociologist/anthropologist in 1974 and continuing to his present position as its Senior Adviser for Sociology and Social Policy. He could probably write an equally valuable guide on how to survive and flourish in an economically dominated international agency. With this model now available, when can we expect a similar annotated bibliography from the groaning shelves of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, with its wealth of material from research by rural sociologists and others on the subjects of extension, adoption of practices, migration, forestry, park management and more? Copies of this annotated bibliography are available without charge if the request is made by a chairperson of a department of sociology, anthropology, social work, or psychology. (Interested scholars should ask the department chairperson to make the request for shared department use.) The limited supply of free copies will be sent on a "first request-first served basis." Write to: Dr. Michael Cernea, Senior Adviser for Sociology and Social Policy,The World Bank, at 1818 H Street, NW, Washington, D.C. 20433, USA. The Mystery of Goodness and the Positive Moral Consequences of Psychotherapy, by Mary W. Nicholas. New York: W.W. Norton, 1994. 248 pp. $30.00 cloth. ISBN 0-393-70166-2. Julia A. Mayo Chief, Clinical Studies; Clinical Professor of Psychiatry St. Vincent's Hospital and Medical Center of New York According to Nicholas, the essence of goodness embodies a core of values that consists of five moral attributes: altruism, responsibility, justice, egalitarianism, and honesty. These are contrasted to the opposite dimensions of selfishness, irresponsibility, injustice, elitism and dishonesty (meaning lying, cheating and stealing). The Preface describes how the author came to write the book. As often is the case, this book derives from the author's professional concern in what she decries as the amoral and neutral position of psychotherapists in the face of what may represent problems in character development more than symptoms of clinical psychopathology. Section One contains two chapters discussing the absence of "goodness" as an overt issue in psychotherapy and deploring a lack of emphasis on the five interpersonal virtues (the moral attributes above). Goodness is defined as the capacity to behave with love and concern toward others. This in turn embodies two aspects: morality (distinguishing right from wrong), and virtue (being and acting positively in the world). The entire thrust of the book from this point onward is that of "the therapist as moral beacon." Section Two contains five chapters. According to Nicholas, morality is not viewed as a target of change by many therapists today largely because it is not considered a valid topic for "scientific consideration" (p. 39). She feels Freud's biologic positivism is well established in the medical model in psychotherapy and continues to dominate the field as "scientific" but remains grossly inadequate to explain what it means to be a human in terms of spontaneity, subjectivity and goodness. The remaining four chapters elaborate more on Darwinism and individualism. These chapters are rich with quotations from philosophers, sociobiologists, economists, educators and self psychologists in particular, who together institutionalize four amoral biases which preventthe therapist from conscious awareness of the meaning of goodness as a therapeutic tool. These amoral biases are: • • An assumption of alienation in the universe. A positivist bias in overvaluing pragmatic and empirical outcomes in therapy. A Darwinian bias which negates prosocial behavior. BOOK REVIEWS 155 An individualistic bias which tends to attribute improve ment in patients to independence rather than enhanced social relatedness. A good deal of emphasis is given to Rest's model of moral development which is a four component paradigm which includes moral sensitivity, moral judgment, moral attitude and moral action. The author provides numerous citations from Bellak, Sullivan, Buber and generously credits Alcoholics Anonymous with the positive power of group connectedness for helping individuals gain or regain a sense of moral grounding. Group therapy is touted highly and described repeatedly as a forum for the development of the five values that lead to goodness. Section Three essentially is a potpourri of clinical vignettes and citations from the psychological literature with all of Chapter Eleven describing moral dilemmas of persons with narcissistic and borderline personalities and how group therapy can provide a safe environment for clarifying the problem of hubris in individuals with addictions involving issues of codependency and shame. The section ends with emphasis on the therapist's responsibility to be moral and to promote "goodness" by incorporating the values of honesty, responsibility altruism, egalitarianism and justice in clinical practice. One positive aspect of this book is that it is timely in catching the mood of every person that the social order is "out of order" and that attention must be paid to basic fundamental values of decency. There is indeed something terribly wrong in a society which abdicates a willingness to take a stand for good against not good. I found reading this book frustrating, yet compelling. It is a complicated critique of the psychological literature, a review of 17th and 18th century philosophy, and a narrative about how group therapy can be a forum for addressing personal and social values. There is an unfortunate shift back and forth between a pedagogic theoretical stance of academic debate and a descriptiveclinical patient-oriented style of writing. There is a plethora of data and case studies which are not organized into an easily assimilated framework. One can be impressed with the trees but finds oneself lost in the forest. The author's rich professional and personal experience shines through but there are assumptions about the level of the reader's knowledge and clinical experience that may be difficult for both beginning practitioners and lay persons to fully appreciate. I would certainly recommend it to any experienced clinician, although hopefully, one would be preaching to the choir. The implication of the author's thesis is that goodness occurs in a social context. Her book makes explicit what is implicit, namely that the morals of the therapist are critical. The therapist must be a morally active change agent or the patient merely exchanges one dubious parental superego for another. Dr. Nicholas brings us to the edge of goodness with insight. However, it has been my clinical experience that insight is not enough as gained in individual psychotherapy for sustained behavioral change. I fully echo the author's understanding of the synergistic effect of individual and group psychotherapy as a catalyst for moral change. The book is heavy on "shoulds" and "oughts" and light on "how to." This book on "Mystery" of Goodness could easily be called the "Mastery" of Goodness. This was not light, escape reading. I felt a moral obligation to read it and having done so, feel definitely the better for it. It is unfortunate that we need such a book to remind us as human beings to be kind and gentle toward and with each other. There is an aphorism of Hillel in Hebrew, paraphrased: "If I am not for myself, who will be for me? And if I am only for myself, what am I? And if not now, when?" This Rough Magic: The Life of Teaching, by Daniel A. Lindley. Westport, CT:Bergin&Garvey. 1993.142 pp., $15.95 paperback. ISBN 0-89789-366-2 Dean S. Dorn California State University, Sacramento This book integrates the author's recent experiences with Jungian psychology with his many years of experience teaching both adolescents in the secondary classroom and students going into teaching in the college classroom. He is currently completing the analyst training program of the Jung Institute of Chicago. For over twenty years he was Chair of English Education at the University of Illinois at Chicago. In the preface he states his thesis (xii): "I am interested in what happens in actual successful classrooms, but I am just as interested in what happens in the psyche of the successful teacher over time. Technique without the involvement of the teacher's soul—psyche, literally—is worse than hollow: It is a sham, and will immediately be seen through by students." Lindley wants to understand teaching in a deep way. For him teaching has two planes (public and private) and two domains (the teacher and the "Other," the separate student). The task of being a great teacher is to understand the "mystery under the craft" of teaching and to join up as an equal with the student. What is being taught in the curriculum must resonate with the inner state of the student and the teacher. Therefore, the intellectual and content aspects of teaching cannot be separated from feelings and emotions. Lindley believes, however, that we have it all wrong. In the typical classroom, content rules. The teacher is merely the "purveyor of material" and the student is merely an "empty vessel" waiting to be filled when the right teachershows up. This view denies the importance of the "inner world of the teacher and the student" where all teaching is shaped to some extent. This inner world is the domain of the psyche. This is the source of all good teaching. Using the Jungian concept of archetypes, Lindley posits that unconsciously in every adult there is an inner child and that in every child there is an inner adult. "Each teacher has a conscious, out-in-the world teacher self as well as an unconscious inner child. And each student has an unconscious inner adult." (p.44) Hence, good teaching must be based on the inner child of the teacher (his or her own childishness) bringing about the inner and knowing adult in the student. Only in this way is there a joining, a bonding of the student with the teacher, which is the key to successful teaching. Students must be made to feel like adults so they can join the teacher in learning the curriculum, and the teacher must allow the spontaneous and exploring child within to come forth so the teacher can join the child as an equal. In good teaching the connection between the teacher and the student is one of transference and counter-transference. The child (student) within the teacher is nourished by actual students and the adult (teacher) within each child isnourished by the presence of the actual teacher. This creates a bond, a state of empathy between the teacher and the student. The inner child of the teacher makes the student feel like a responsible adult and that, in turn, makes the student want to help the teacher. Poor teaching is the opposite—teaching through the use of power and will alone when the teacher's power is used to control and repress the child. In poor teaching, "learners are 'found out' when they act like children—when they are loud or impulsive." (p. 45). When there is a relationship between the child and the teacher that is equal, power cannot intervene and destroy learning. Poor teaching then is to teach from the teacher's adult perspective (with will and authority) where the hidden agenda is the teacher's need for power. When there is poor teaching, children are expected to act like adults but are treated like children (the real hidden curriculum). A poor teacher is one whose inner child has died or been repressed into the unconscious, so that "students come to seem more distant, more ignorant, more uncaring, less worth the effort." (p. 107) With poor teachers there is nothing new to learn or to teach. For Lindley the path to becoming a good teacher means pondering our own stories; we must find out who we are in relation to the curriculum we teach. Good teaching does not begin with technique or pedagogy, but rather with "personal reflection begun in the teacher and continued in the student." (p. 60) Teachers should ask about their lesson plans, "How did I learn this?" not "How shall I teach this?" Teachers need to look back and see themselves as the unknowing child so they can see their students reflected in the mirror of their reflection. The point of departure is to ask questions about the content of what is taught the way a child would ("open, non-judgmental, taking in experience whole") so that the teacher is free to ask the child those same questions when they teach the child. Throughout the book, Lindley masterfully weaves his own story and experiences of teaching with his Jungian philosophy of teaching and learning. He presents many specific examples to illustrate his points and support his view. And as a true blue clinician he offers much that is practical: only attempt to change what is possible in your teaching and in your classroom (getting students to have an open mind, motivation, the curriculum, time), not the impossible (the lack of concern and effort by other teachers). This is a excellent little book that is full of much insight and wisdom about teaching and which can provide the classroom teacher at all levels of instruction with much to think about. For this author, teaching is a liminal experience, betwixt and between the student and the teacher, the school and the curriculum. This book substantially illuminates that space. And no teacher who reads it will be able to put it down without reflecting on their own place within that space. When Love Dies: The Process of Marital Disaffection, by Karen Kayser. New York: The Guilford Press, 1993. 191 pp. $26.95 Cloth. ISBN 0-89862086-4. Dean Reschke Centerfor Problem-Solving Therapy Schaumburg, Illinois During an interview on National Public Radio several years ago, the pioneering family therapist Salvador Minuchin was asked how he accounted for the high divorce rate (nearly fifty percent) in America. He responded BOOK REVIEWS 159 that when you consider that in each marriage two people are attempting to bring together the rules, roles and expectations from two different families, both carrying the legacy of cultural heritage and idiosyncratic patterns of thinking and being, it is amazing that any marriages last at all. Perhaps overstated, this assertion highlights the ever increasing (and perhaps unrealistic) demands that we place on the institution of marriage. More importantly, it beckons a call for increased awareness and understanding of how the myriad of marital challenges are both successfully and unsuccessfully negotiated. I believe that Karen Kayser's book, When Love Dies: The Process of Marital Disaffection, offers timely and meaningful insights about the many steps that often lead to losing one's emotional attachment to a spouse. Conversely, it provides clues that might prove helpful in mitigating such a process. Kayser draws from her own research project and a comprehensive assortment of related studies to offer a variety of explanations for marital disaffection. For example, marital disaffection seems to occur primarily in one spouse, after a sequence of stages during which he or she may try unsuccessfully to discuss or resolve specific complaints. Eventually, this person begins to doubt their spouse, their marriage, and ultimately their own love and caring for their partner. The most frequent types of events that were reported to be turning points were: the partner's controlling behavior, the partner's lack of responsibility, and the partner's lack of emotional support. Yet, when the spouse with growing doubts attempts to address concerns, this is often met with defensive routines of avoidance, blame, or unresponsiveness. Not surprisingly, the process that leads to disaffection takes on a life of its own, and affects behaviors and perceptions in a circular manner. For example, in contrast to dating and courtship, when couples often overlook negative traits or behaviors, in this middle phase (which is often characterized by intense anger) a spouse may magnify the negative behaviors he/she sees while overlooking desirable ones. Ultimately, hurt gives way to anger, which gives way to disaffection. Kayser asserts, "apathy, not hate, is the opposite of love." (p.68) After I absorbed the thoughts and feelings of those persons who have reached disaffection that are documented through normative data and anecdotes in this book, I was left believing more strongly that successful relationships are best achieved through mutuality and respect. Yet, these qualities and values seem to swim ever so slowly against the cultural tide of imbalance. Perhaps, we can change the direction of the current by better performing egalitarian values and relationship skills, in our pairs. Resumes en Francais Un Peu de 1'histoire de la sociologie clinique et de la pratique sociologique: la partie I David J. Kallen Des le debut de la discipline, les sociologues ont utilise leur connaissance pour operer des changements. Cette etude passe en revue les antecedents primitifs de la pratique sociologique, puis concentre sur trois domaines de la pratique qui fournissent un exemple de la pratique. Ces domaines sont: les etudes des rapports intergroupe, et avant et apres la Deuxieme Guerre mondiale; les etudes du moral des soldats faites pendant le Deuxieme Guerre mondiale; et les programmes de criminalite juvenile et de pauvrete. Apres la fin de la Deuxieme Guerre mondiale la concentration de la sociologie s'est deplacee du monde exterieur aux interets disciplinaires, et le developpement theorique etait regarde comme incompatible avec 1'emploi de la sociologie. La pratique sociologique a emerge comme un mouvement social a 1'interieur de la sociologie a la reponse aux problemes crees par ce deplacement de concentration. Cet article termine avec une description du deplacement du paradigme; un article a venir discutera 1'emergence recent de la pratique sociologique. Le feminisme, la volonte de Dieu, et 1'habilitation de la femme Margaret Hall Cet article est base sur des principes sociologiques cliniques derivees des theories de Durkheim et de Weber, aussi bien que des conclusions des recherches contemporaines qui suggerent que la religion et le feminisme peuvent etre des sources sociales de 1'habilitation de la femme. L'orientation theorique unit des influences sociales et culturelles sur le comportement, aussi bien que les procedees intrapsychiques et interpersonnelles de prendre des decisions qui sont characteristiques d'autres modalites therapeutiques. Deux histoires de vie montrent la maniere dans laquelle le feminisme et la religion renforcent le developpement personnel de la femme, et elargit la portee de sa contribution a la societe. On examine les influences du feminisme et de la religion sur les croyances de ces femmes, et aussi comment la redefinition des responsabilites pendant les sessions cliniques—en approfondant et en elargissant la comprehension de la volonte de Dieu—modifie leur comportement. Les practiciens sociologiques peuvent profiter de la comprehension de comment le feminisme inspire quelques femmes a travailler pour leur habilitation individuelle et collective en se livrant a des pratiques religieuses (la priere et la meditation), ce qui leur donnent de 1'appui emotionnel a leur mise en question des croyances traditionnelles qui definissent le patriarcat comme la volonte de Dieu. Les resultats cliniques suggerent que le feminisme et la religion peuvent motiver des clientes a redefinir la realite et a modifier leur facon de se comporter en encourageant des reevaluations de leur comprehension de la volonte de Dieu et de leurs responsabilites individuelles et sociales. Le sociologue clinique comme gerant de bornage: le cas de l'administration universitaire John G. Bruhn, et Alan P. Chesney Menager les conflits a 1'interstice ou aux bornes au niveau de 1'individu, du groupe, et de 1'organisation est une partie essentielle du devoir d'un administrateur universitaire. Au mesure que les universites deviennent sujet aux influences externes croissantes, surtout financeres, les administrateurs sont appeles a reorganiser, a restructurer, et a reallouer des resources. Ces interventions defient substantiellement les administrateurs academiques et les sociologues cliniques qui remplient ces roles a utiliser leurs habilites comme menagers de conflit et de risque. Cette etude decrit et discute les experiences et les observations des auteurs comme gerants de bornage dans le milieu universitaire. Les effets sur 1'appui social, sur la tension, et sur la sante des personnes agees, de 1'organisation de 1'assistance volontaire. Moments speciaux, temps speciaux: occasions problematiques a la suite de la mort d'un enfant Sarah Brabant, Craig J. Forsyth, et Glenda McFarlain Employant des donnes de 14 interviews qui represented 9 families et la mort de 10 enfants, cet article examine les moments dans le temps qui entrainent, ou peuvent entrainer, des rencontres sociales qui sont problematiques pour le parent ou les parents affliges: 1) les jours de fete en general, c.-a-d. Noel, lejour de 1'An; des evenements particuliers,c.a-d. des noces, des enterrements, des remises des diplomes; et 3) les occasions specifiquement associees avec 1'enfant decede, c.-a-d. son anniversaire ou 1'anniversaire de sa mort. Pour les parents affliges, de telles occasions peuvent etre insupportables. Dans le cas des jours de fete ou des evenements speciaux, 1'absence du defunt peut etre particulierement poignante puisqu'il aurait ete present s'il avait survecu. Dans le cas de 1'anniversaire ou de 1'anniversaire de la mort, le manque des autres a noter le signifiance du jour accentue l'isolement de la perte. De tels moments dans le temps, cependant, sont importants sociologiquement aussi bien que psychologiquement parce qu;'ils marquent des evenements qui appartient au groupe entier aussi bien qu'a des membres particuliers du groupe. Le parent afflige, alors, doit supporter non seulement les membres du groupe mais aussi le group lui-meme. La conceptualisation d'Erving Goffman de la «rencontre sociale» fournit plus d'apercus de pourquoi ces occasions sont aussi problematique pour le parent afflige. Des implications pour la consultation des affliges sont discutees aussi. L'integration structurelle, normativeet communale dans les organisations Clovis R. Shepherd Cet article definit et decrit les concepts des dimensions structurelles, normatives et communales du comportement des organisations, et on discute des aspects de 1'integration de ces dimensions. Quelques-unes des dynamiques de consultation utilisant ces dimensions sont decrites, et on deline quelques questions et problemes. Les descriptions de comportement viennent des experiences de 1'auteur comme expert conseil d'une variete d'organisations. RESUMES EN FRANCAIS 163 L'auditeur dangereux: des perils inattendus dans les interviews intensives Tracy X. Karner et Carol A. B. Warren Nous suggerons que les intervieweurs deviennent dangereux par 1'acte meme d'ecouter. Dans 1'ecoute dangereuse, il y a un effet de miroir par lequel 1'auditeur detourne le nouveau moi, le moi reprime, et revele 1'ancien. Le coeur du danger, c'est le moi de 1'interviewe reflechi par le rapport de l'intervieweur avec son moi anterieur. Les donnes sont tirees de deux series d'interviews intensives, 1'une entre des alienees et des ex-alienees pendant les annees 1950 en Californie (voir Warren, 1987), et 1'autre avec des anciens combattants de la guerre au Vietnam dans une salle de traumatisme d'un hopital du ministere des anciens combattants (voir Karner, 1994). En ecoutant, le narrateur et l'intervieweur deviennent participants dans le temoignage d'une violation d'une norme sociale ou personnelle. Apres une telle relation, 1'auditeur est vu comme le depositaire du passe inquiet du narrateur, et constitue une menace de jugement ou de devoilement. Ces dangers d'ecouter ne sont pas seulement ces dangers particuliers bio-medicaux et sociaux impliques dans la rhetorique du reglement des sujets humains, ils sont aussi les dangers de la vie du monde quotidien dans lequel le moi de chacun change, et change encore. Les effets sur 1'appui social, sur la tension, et sur la sante des personnes agees, de 1'organisation de 1'assistance volontaire Peter C. Meyer et Monica Budowski Dans un quartier d'une communaute urbaine, une agence pour organiser de 1'assistance volontaire a ete etablie sous le domaine d'un programme de recherche en action. Des donnees d'une etude longitudinal ont ete employees pour evaluer les effets de cette agence sur les personnes agees. L'hypothese formulee est que 1'assistance volontaire organisee est un moyen d'ameliorer 1'appui social et de reduire la tension sociale. On anticipe que ces effets auront des effets positifs indirects sur la sante. Dans la premiere enquete, un prelevement au hasard pondere (totale N=907, dont 303 etaient ages, c.-a-d. ayant plus de 64 ans) a ete interroge au sujet de la tension sociale, de 1'appui social, de la sante, de la demande pour 1'assistance en general, et de 1'emploi de 1'assistance professionnelle et medicale. Ensuite une agence pour organiser de 1'assistance volontaire du quartier a ete etablie et observee. Trois ans plus tard, 1'enquete de suite a ete accomplie. Une evaluation d'effet du programme susmentionne est determine en comparant les donnees d'enquete des personnes agees habitants du quartier ou a ete etablie 1'agence, avec les donnees d'un groupe de control de personnes agees habitants d'un autre quartier de la meme ville ou aucune action pareille n'a ete faite. Les resultats montrent des effets negatifs imprevus sur 1'appui social et sur le systeme d'assistance non-officiel des personnes agees du quartier, la ou de 1'assistance volontaire de voisinage a ete organisee. Au meme temps, cependant, 1'assistance volontaire organisee a reduit en fait la tension sociale et des desordres medicaux peu graves, aussi bien que 1'emploi des services medicales professionnelles. Ces resultats exigent de 1'analyse et de la discussion plus amples des moyens pour reduire 1'effect negatif sur 1'appui social sans affaiblir 1'effet de soulagement sur la tension et 1'effet positif sur la sante. L'adaptation d'une habilite dans la puericulture pour les noirs dans la Louisiane du sud: une perspective sociologique Kathleen H. Sparrow Get article concentre son attentionsur le «Programme de lapericulture efficace des noirs» developpe par le Centre pour 1'amelioration des soins des enfants. L'enque'te actuelle est une tentative de presenter 1'adaptation de ce programme a des families noires dans un milieu non-urbaine. L'auteur est certifiee comme facilitatrice du programme. L'etude concentre sur 1'emploi de 1'analyse de role et de la dynamiquedes groupes comme outils d'enseignement. Les programmes de puericulture efficace sont tres importants a la survivance et a la socialisation des enfants noirs. Le sociologue comme expert d'attenuation dans les proces d'assassinat Craig J. Forsyth Cette etude decrit les experiences d'un sociologue comme expert d'attenuation au cours du proces «typique» d'assassinat, de 1'acte d'accusation jusqu'a la phase penale dujugement. L'auteur, qui travaille dans des proces de peine de mort (assassinat) depuis 1988, a travaille comme expert d'attenuation dans plus de 40 de tels proces. Les sujets Foster , Burk and Craig J. Forsyth. ( 1993 ). "The Death Penalty Mitigation Team." Presentation at Life In The Balance V,Legal Aid And Defender Association . April 12, New Orleans , Louisiana. McGoldrick , Monica and Randy Gerson . ( 1985 ). Genograms In Family Assessment . New York: W.W. Norton & Company. Moore , Harvey and Jennifer Friedman . ( 1993 ). " Courtroom Observation And Applied Litigation Research: A Case History Of Jury Decision Making." Clinical Sociological Review 11 : 123 - 141 . Najmi , M.A. ( 1992 ). "Sociologist As Expert Witness." The Useful Sociologist 13 : 4 . Thoresen , Jean H. ( 1993 ). "The Sociologist As Expert Witness." Clinical SociologicalReview 11 : 109 - 122 .


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CSR Editors. Full Issue: Volume 13, Wayne State University, 2018,