Full Issue: Volume 13
Full Issue: Volume 13
CSR Editors 0 1 2
0 Editorial Board: Jeanette Davidson, University of North Texas , Denton, TX Richard J. Gagan, Tampa, FL John E. Glass , University of North Texas , Denton, TX Barry Glassner , University of Connecticut , Storrs, CT C. Allen Haney , University of Houston , Houston, TX David J. Kallen , Michigan State University , East Lansing, MI Elizabeth Briant Lee , Drew University , Madison, NJ Julia Mayo, St. Vincent's Hospital , New York, NY Vijayan Pillai , University of North Texas , Denton, TX Jerome Rabow , University of California at Los Angeles , Los Angeles, CA Mary Sengstock , Wayne State University , Detroit , MI Peter Stein, William Patterson College, Wayne, NJ Jean H. Thoresen, Eastern Connecticut State University , Williamantic, CT Lloyd Gordon Ward, Toronto , Canada
1 Book Review Editor: Harry Cohen Department of Sociology, Iowa State University , Ames, IA 50011; (515) 294-6480 , USA
2 Teaching Notes Editor: Sarah C. Brabrant Department of Sociology , P.O. Box 40198. University of Southwest Louisiana , Lafayette, LA 70504; (318) 235-7656 , USA
CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY REVIEW
Editor: W. David Watts
Vice President for Academic Affairs, Jacksonville State University, Jacksonville, AL 36265; Telephone
(205) 782-5540; FAX (205) 782-5541
Vice President for Publications and Consulting Editor: Phillip D. Robinette
Director of Life Enrichment Center; Professor and Chair of Dept. of Sociology, Southern California College,
Costa Mesa, CA 92626; Telephone (714) 966-6316; FAX (714) 966-6316
Associate Editor: Hugh McCain, Jr.
Professor of Sociology, Jacksonville State University, Jacksonville, AL 36265; Telephone (205) 782-5350;
FAX (205) 782-5168.
Associate Editor: John Glass
4242 Wilkinson Avenue, Studio City, CA 91604; 818-766-6381
Assistant Editor: Louisa Howe
Psychomotor Institute, 60 Western Avenue, Cambridge, MA 02139; (617) 354-1044.
Historical Section Editor: Jan M. Fritz
7300 Aracoma Forest, Cincinnati, OH 45237; (513) 556-4943.
Practice Notes Editor: Ann Marie Ellis
Department of Sociology, ELA-244, Southwest Texas State University, San Marcos, TX 78666; (512)
The Clinical Sociology Review acknowledges with thanks the following special reviewers:
Ann Marie Ellis
Eric A. Wagner
Bonnie L. Lewis
John F. Glass
David J. Kallen
Elizabeth J. Clark
J. Barry Gurdin
Julia A. Mayo
John E. Holman
The Clinical Sociology Review also wishes to acknowledge with thanks the clerical contributions of
Gail Childs and Sandra Walker.
Sociological Practice Association
K E N D A L L / H U N T P U B L I S H I N G C O M P A N Y
40 50 W e s t m a r k D r i v e Dubuque, lowa 5 2 0 0 2
The Clinical Sociology Review is published annually by Kendall Hunt, Inc., in
association with the Sociological Practice Association, a professional organization of
clinical and applied sociologists. Abstracts of all articles appear in Sociological Abstracts
and selected abstracts appear in Social Work Research and Abstracts.
Clinical sociology is the creation of new systems as well as the intervention in
existing systems for purposes of assessment and/or change. Clinical sociologists are
humanistic scientists who are multi-disciplinary in approach. They engage in planned social
change efforts by focusing on one system level (e.g. interpersonal small group,
organization, community, international), but they do so from a sociological frame of reference.
Clinical Sociology Review publishes articles, essays, and research reports
concerned with clinical uses of sociological theory, findings, or methods, which
demonstrate how clinical practice at the individual,small group, large organization, or social
system level contributes to the development of theory, or how theory may be may be
used to bring about change. Articles may also be oriented to the teaching of clinical
sociology. Shorter articles discussing teaching techniques or practice concepts may
be submitted to the Teaching Notes Section or Practice Notes Section. Manuscripts
will be reviewed both for merit and for relevance to the special interest of the Review.
Full length manuscripts should be submitted to the Editor, W. David Watts, Vice
President for Academic Affairs, Jacksonville State University, 700 Pelham Road N,
Jacksonville, Alabama 36265; (205) 782-5540.
Manuscript submissions should follow the latest American Sociological
Association style guidelines, including reference citation style, and should include an
abstract. Suggested length for full length manuscripts is 20 pages double spaced, and for
Teaching or Practice Notes, eight pages double spaced. There is a $15.00 processing
fee which is waived for members of the Sociological Practice Association. Send four
copies of the manuscript to the appropriate editor. Final copies of manuscripts should
be sent on an IBM compatible disk, either in ASCII or a standard word processor text.
Books for consideration for review in the Clinical Sociology Review should be
sent directly to the book review editor: Harry Cohen, Department of Sociology, Iowa
State University, Ames, IA 50011; (515) 294-3591.
Subscription and membership inquiries about the Sociological Practice
Association should be sent directly to the Treasurer: Mary Cay Sengstock, 21502 Wedgewood
Ave.,Grosse Point Woods, MI 48236; (313) 331-0453 or (313) 577-2287.
Copyright © 1995 by the Sociological Practice Association. All rights reserved. No
part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted
in any form or by any means, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review,
without prior permission of the publisher.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any
means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior written permission of the copyright owner.
Printed in the United States of America
CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY REVIEW Volume 13, 1995
Editor's Preface About the Authors
HISTORY OF CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY
Special Moments, Special Times: Problematic Occasions Following the Death of a Child
Sarah Brabant, Craig J. Forsyth, and Glenda McFarlain 57
Structural, Normative, and Communal Integration in Organizations
Clovis R. Shepherd 70
Effects of Organizing Voluntary Help on Social Support, Stress and Health of Elderly People
Peter C. Meyer and Monica Budowski
The Secret Garden of Sociology
The Sociologist as Mitigation Expert in First Degree Murder Cases
Clarence C. Schultz 129
Craig J. Forsyth
World Without Words: The Social Construction of Children Born Deaf and Blind by David Goode
Emotions in Organizations by Stephen Fineman
Mitchell A. Kaplan
Glenn E. Nilson
I. A. M. (Integrated Anger Management):
A Common Sense Guide to Coping with Anger
by Melvin L. Fein L. John Brinkerhoff
Power in the Highest Degree: Professionals and the Rise of a New Mandarin Order by Charles Derber, William A. Schwartz, Yale Magrass
Sociology, Anthropology, and Development: An Annotated
Bibliography of World Bank Publications 1975-1993
by Michael M. Cernea Desmond M. Connor 152
The Mystery of Goodness and the
Positive Moral Consequences of Psychotherapy
by Mary W. Nicholas
This Rough Magic: The Life of Teaching by Daniel A. Lindley
When Love Dies: The Process of Marital Disaffection by Karen Kayden Dean Reschke 158
Julia A. Mayo 154
Dean S. Dorn 156
RESUMES EN FRANCAIS
by Ronald Koss
W. David Watts
Jacksonville State University
Volume 13 of the Clinical Sociology Review represents a number
of important changes in the life of the journal. First, the transition in
publishers from Michigan State University Press, via the University of
North Texas Press, to Kendall Hunt is complete. Contrary to rumor, the
Clinical Sociology Review is alive and well. Additional copies of
Volume 13 can be obtained from Kendall Hunt. Copies of back issues can
be ordered from The Clinical Sociology Review, Department of
Sociology, Jacksonville State University, Jacksonville, AL. 36265. Back
issues are $16.50 for individuals, plus $3.00 postage and $25.50 for
institutions, plus $3.00 postage.
Second, readers of the journal owe a debt of gratitude for the
superhuman service that Susan Brown Eve, past editor of the Review has given.
She took over the journal in 1992 and has done an outstanding job.
Third, this issue is a joint effort by the authors and Associate Editor,
Hugh McCain, who is Professor of Sociology at Jacksonville State
University. When Hugh agreed to serve as an Assistant Editor last year, he
was not aware of the full range of responsibilities that were associated
with the publication of the Review. He is now and has earned the
promotion to Associate Editor. Special thanks are also due to Gail Childs
and Sandra Walker for the generous giving of their time and skills for
preparation of this issue for press.
The authors' contributions, like other issues of the Review, provide
a high quality mixture of application of sociological theory and method
to all levels of practice. These articles, which stand on their own merits,
represent a further development of the practice of the discipline. While
all the articles are worthy, I want to draw your attention to two in
ticular. The first article, by David J. Kallen, President of the
Sociological Practice Association, adds to our insight about the history of both
sociology and its less favored partner, clinical sociology. Kallen tells us
that the adoption of a clinical approach was rejected in favor of what
Mills has called abstract empiricism and grand theory. The second
article, by Clarence C. Schultz, in the Practice Notes Section, tells us in
metaphor of the consequences of the choices that the discipline has made.
Like the secret garden of fiction, Schultz, like Kallen and all our
authors, would have us reopen that garden and tend it. Volume 13 of the
Clinical Sociology Review contributes to that tradition.
W. David Watts Editor
About the Authors
Sarah Brabant is currently Professor of Sociology at the
University of Southwestern Louisiana. She is a Certified Clinical Sociologist
and holds additional certifications in Death Education, Grief
Counseling, and Family Life Education. Her publications on grief, death, and
related issues appear in Omega, The Hospice Journal, ADEC Forum,
Illness, Crisis & Loss, Teaching Sociology, International Journal of
Addictions, Death Studies, Clinical Sociology Review, and Journal of
Gerontological Social Work.
John G. Bruhn is Provost, Dean and Professor of Sociology at
Perm State Harrisburg. He has become interested in organizational
behavior and has published several articles on this topic in the past few
years. He received his PhD from Yale University in medical sociology
Monica Budowski Ph.D. is an ethnologist, who has worked in
various research projects funded by the Swiss National Science
Foundation. Her work has included research and publications about women
(single mothers, family formation), and cooperation and organization of
health care in the community. She has conducted ethnological research
in Bangladesh and Costa Rica.
Alan P. Chesney is Director, Human Resource Services and
Lecturer in Marketing and Management at the University of Texas at El
Paso. His interests are in diversity management, human resources
management, and organizational behavior. He received his PhD from Case
Western Reserve University in sociology in 1971.
Craig J. Forsyth is an Associate Professor of Sociology at the
University of Southwestern Louisiana. He received his Ph.D from
Louisiana State University. He is a Certified Clinical Sociologist and has
worked as a mitigation expert in over forty capital murder cases. The
author of over eighty publications, his principal research interests are in
the areas of family, crime, and deviance.
C. Margaret Hall is a professor and former chair of the
Department of Sociology at Georgetown University, Washington, D.C. She is
currently Director of Women's Studies and teaches service learning
internship seminars. She has a private practice in individual and family
therapy and is an organizational development consultant. Dr. Hall has
organized women's empowerment discussion groups in the
Washington metropolitan area for the last seven years. Her research and
publications focus on the social sources and social consequences of identity
and on theory construction in clinical sociology.
David J. Kallen is Professor of Pediatrics/Human Development at
Michigan State University. A Ph.D. in social psychology from the
University of Michigan, he has also worked as Research Director of the
Health and Welfare Council of the Baltimore Area and as a Health
Scientist Administrator in the National Institute of Mental Health and the
National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. He has
published in a variety of fields, including nutrition and development
and sexual behavior of adolescents. He is currently President of the
Sociological Practice Association.
Tracy X. Karner is an Assistant Research Professor in the
Gerontology Center at the University of Kansas. Her current research focuses
on the intersection of memory, narrative, and identity. She has
published works concerning narrative with regard to qualitative methods,
ethnic identity, and gender.
Glenda McFarlain received her BA with a major in Sociology and
a minor in Psychology from the University of Southwestern Louisiana
in 1991. A bereaved parent herself, she has been active for a number of
years in promoting bereavement support groups in south Louisiana. She
is presently employed as a Case Manager at Professional Resource
Network, Inc. working with the developmentally disable population.
Peter C. Meyer Ph.D. is a sociologist and head of the division of
health sociology at the department of Psychosocial Medicine (director:
Prof.Dr.med. Claus Buddeberg), University Hospital of Zurich,
Switzerland. He has been doing research in medical and health sociology
and published several books and articles on topics like drug addiction,
evaluation, social support, mental health, health care, lay help system.
ABOUT THE AUTHORS xiii
Clarence C. Schultz is Professor Emeritus at Southwest Texas (SWT)
State University, where he began as an undergraduate student in 1943.
After graduate work and teaching at the University of Texas, teaching and
administration at Lee College, Dr. Schultz returned to SWT to teach in the
Sociology Department. Between 1971 and 1978, Professor Schultz served
as Chair of the Department of Sociology/Anthropology and Social Work
and Dean of the School of Liberal Arts. He is known to thousands of Texas
college students as an outstanding teacher, the winner of numerous
teaching awards, including the coveted Piper Professor Award for outstanding
college teaching in Texas. He helped craft an applied undergraduate degree
program in Sociology at SWT and the department's activities which led to
the American Sociological Association's Distinguished Contributions to
Teaching Award in 1990. Last year, Dr. Schultz addressed students, faculty
and initiates at the induction ceremony for Alpha Kappa Delta. His speech
is printed here as The Secret Garden of Sociology.
Clovis R. Sheperd received his Ph.D. at UCLA in 1958, taught at
UC Santa Barbara from 1957-64, was with NTL Institute for Applied
Behavioral Science, Washington, DC, 1964-67, Professor of Sociology
and Psychiatry, University of Cincinnati, 1967-85, Professor Emeritus,
UC, and Adjunct Professor, University of New Mexico, 1985 to present.
He has published papers and books in social psychology, small groups,
and organizational behavior. He currently is a consultant to the VA
Medical Center, Albuquerque, NM, does some volunteer teaching at
UNM, and is a research consultant to the Center on Aging, UNM.
Kathleen H. Sparrow is Associate Professor of Sociology and
Director of Minority Affairs at the University of Southwestern Louisiana.
Her areas of interest are Race Relations, Marriage and the Family and
Social Problems. She has published in a range of sociological journals
and recently completed a book chapter on African-American women.
Carol A.B. Warren is professor and chair of sociology at the
University of Kansas. Her books include Madwives: Schizophrenic Women in the
1950s (Rutgers 1987) and Gender Issues in Field Research (Sage 1988).
She has written extensively in the fields of mental illness and qualitative
methodology. Currently,she is preparing a manuscript on the history of the
psychiatric uses of electricity, entitled The Body Electric.
Some History of Clinical Sociology and
Sociological Practice, Part I
David J. Kallen, Ph.D., C.C.S.
Michigan State University
From the beginning of the discipline, sociologists have used their
knowledge to bring about change. This paper reviews the early
antecedents of sociological practice, and then concentrates on three
areas of practice as illustrative of practice. These are: studies in
intergroup relations, before and after World War II; the studies of
the morale of soldiers conducted during the Second World War;
and the juvenile delinquency and poverty programs. After the end
of World War II the focus of sociology shifted from the outside
world to disciplinary concerns, and theoretical development was
seen as incompatible with the use of sociology. Sociological
practice has emerged as a social movement within sociology in response
to the problems created by this shift in focus. This article ends with
a description of the paradigm shift; a later article will discuss the
recent emergence of sociological practice.
Clinical sociology is the use of sociological theory, methods, or
findings to bring about change at the individual,small group, large
organization, institutional or social system level. As such, it is part of the larger
emphasis within sociology known as sociological practice. Practice
includes the uses of sociology in a variety of settings for a variety of
purposes. The uniqueness of clinical sociology is its focus on change, and
it is this focus on change which distinguishes clinical from other forms
of sociological practice, including applied sociology.
This paper discusses some of the origins of sociological practice,
with a particular emphasis on the aspects currently regarded as clinical.
In the historical development of sociology, practice was a normal part
of what the sociologist did. It is only in recent years that practice has
become a separate sub-field and practitioners separately labeled within
sociology. A paradigm shift which took place before and after World
War II (Buxton and Turner, 1992) changed the emphasis in sociology to
the development of theory without regard for how it was used. Later
consequences of this paradigm shift led to (a perceived) decline within
the field, and the emergence of the Practice Movement as a way of
revitalizing the discipline.
This paper traces sociological practice from its beginnings in
sociology to the time when sociological practice began to emerge as a social
movement within sociology. Most of the important work cited in this
paper was done by sociologists who did not have a separate label of
clinical or applied or practicing sociologists; they were sociologists who
were doing their work as sociologists.2 A later paper will discuss this
emergence of practice as a separate field within sociology.3
Sociology had it intellectual roots in European philosophy and
economics. There can be many arguments about when sociology really
started, and which of the early scholars has a current influence on
clinical sociology. Certainly Machiavelli (1988), although generally
considered a political scientist, can be given credit for applying the systematic
study of social relationships to individual and social change.
In his intellectual and social history of sociology, Coser (1977)4
focuses on six of the early European scholars: August Comte, Karl Marx,
Herbert Spencer, Emile Durkheim, Georg Simmel and Max Weber. Of
these, it is probably Marx, Durkheim and Weber whose theories are
most used today by clinical sociologists. Coser credits August Comte
with being the first to use the term sociology. Comte himself
"emphasized that theoretical work had to take precedence over reform
activities, and that establishing the foundations of the scientific doctrine was
more important for the time being than effecting any practical
influence," (Coser, p. 16) a viewpoint that was to dominate much of
American sociology for many years.
Karl Marx, of course, intended that his writings be the basis for
planned change, and was disappointed that during his lifetime the
revolution did not arise. Marx made his living outside of academia, when he
made a living at all. It is ironic that his intellectual heirs in American
sociology, the conflict theorists, are more content to analyze than they
are to use their knowledge of social systems to bring about change.
Max Weber, on the other hand, although himself active in a number
of political causes, called for a value neutrality in the social sciences,
divorcing them from any thought of action. Coser points out that (p.
xv), "his appeal for value neutrality was intended as a thoroughly
liberating endeavor to free the social sciences from the stultifying embrace
of the powers that be and to assert the right, indeed the duty, of the
investigator to pursue the solution to his problem regardless of whether
his results serve or hinder the affairs of the national state." This view
that the sociologist should follow his own values and not be bound by
those of the state became transformed by the discipline into the stance
that acting on values was antithetical to scientific sociology.
Emile Durkheim, whose writings on social structure and anomie
were to become a major influence on intervention programs in the United
States, spent most of his career as an academic. While most of his work
was primarily theoretical, his work on education was intended to
influence the nature of French education in his time. He put his ideas to good
use in the administration of the Sorbonne, and in his influence on the
French Ministry of Education. "Nothing is so vain and sterile as that
scientific puritanism which, under the pretext that science is not fully
established, counsels abstention and recommends to men that they stand
by as indifferent witnesses, or at least resigned ones, at the march of
events" (Durkheim, 1956, p. 104, quoted by Coser, 1977, p. 170).
Early U.S. Sociologists
Early sociology in the United States reflected this conflict between
scholarship and action. In Ann Arbor, Charles Horton Cooley, whose
theories about the importance of the primary group had a major
influence on the clinical sociology of later times, eschewed action, living a
relatively secluded life in a quiet University town (Coser, 1977).
Interestingly enough, it was Cooley's discussion of the relationship between
theory and practice that Wirth (1931) quoted in support of Wirth's ideas
of clinical sociology. On the other hand, George Herbert Mead, who
taught at the University of Michigan at the same time as Cooley prior to
his move to Chicago, and whose ideas about the development of the self
in social interaction became the basis for later theories of individual
intervention, was more a person of action. He was involved with Jane
Adams at Hull House, and with an association of Chicago businessmen
working for social reform (Coser, 1977). The fact that Mead wrote little
during his own lifetime, and that most of his major work has come down
through the notes of his students, means that little is known of his thoughts
on the relationship between theory and practice. However, as a member
of the Chicago school, and as an active teacher and collaborator of Jane
Adams, it seems likely that Mead was concerned about how his ideas
were used in everyday life.
Much has been written about the Sociology Department at the
University of Chicago during the first quarter of this century. Composed of men
who formed a core group in American pragmatism, and who appear to have
been conflicted about sociology's role in social reform, the Department had
a lasting influence on sociology's involvement in real world activities.
However, as described by Deegan (1986), social reform was primarily left to a
group of women sociologists who did not receive academic recognitionfor
their efforts. Centered around Jane Adams at Hull House, these women
were left to 'do good' outside of academia, and without the peer
recognition received by their male colleagues. According to Deegan (1988), many
of the male faculty of the Sociology Department of the University of
Chicago were involved with Hull House. These included Albion W. Small, the
founding chair of the Department, reform leader Charles W. Henderson,
Charles Zeublin, who made settlement work his own as well, William I.
Thomas, George Herbert Mead, Ernest Burgess and Robert Park.Although,
according to Deegan, Park was greatly involved with social reform
movements, his ideological stance against sociology being involved with action
is reflected in his influential writings.
Between the Wars
If many of the intellectual antecedents of clinical sociology were
developed in the early days of sociology, the period between the first
and second world wars saw the beginning of modern clinical sociology.
The first known references to the concept of clinical sociology come in
1930 and 1931. In 1930, Dean Milton C. Winternitz of the School of
Medicine at Yale University proposed the development of a
Department of Clinical Sociology within the school. This department would
have "the responsibility of acquainting the student with methods of
obtaining a sociological history and of conducting a sociological
examination .. . (the student will learn) to approach the social problems
of the individual." This examination of the social life of the individual
will enable the physician to "piece together the different facets of the
many aspects of life that may contribute to the particular indisposition
of the patient and that may require adjustment for his future well being"
(Winternitz, 1930a, pp. 28-29).5 This, of course, has not yet occurred.
Waitzkin (1991) points out that even today physicians are reluctant to
explore and attempt to deal with issues in the patient's life created by
social problems, preferring to deal with strictly medical or
psychological issues in which the physician can directly intervene.
At about the same time, Wirth (1931) described the role of clinical
sociology within child guidance clinics. Quoting Cooley's support of
the interconnection between theory and practice, Wirth calls for the
sociologist to be involved in studying the social life of the child and in
helping to design and implement changes which will bring about an
improved life for the child. He also suggests that the training of
physicians is deficient in sociology—an issue which Winternitz also addressed
as Dean of the Yale Medical School (Winternitz, 1930b). Gordon (1989)
suggests that Wirth and Winternitz must have known each other. She
also suggests that it was the opposition of Abraham Flexner, who
studied American medicine for the Carnegie Corporation, which led to the
failure of the Yale proposal to receive funding.
The theme of sociological involvement in the study and change of
individual lives has continued to be a major focus of clinical sociology.
Among the early writers, Zorbaugh (1939), and Dunham (1972),
discuss the appropriate role for sociologists in these endeavors, and recent
writings in the Clinical Sociology Review suggest modern approaches
to changes in individual lives.
For example, Ferguson and her colleagues (1992) demonstrate the
need to integrate therapies in the treatment of mentally ill individuals.
Community development was also a major theme at this time.
Perhaps the best known advocate of this was Saul Alinsky, (1934; 1984)
whose work in the "Back of the Yards" community development
organization in Chicago became a prototype for later efforts to involve
'indigenous' people in the war on poverty. The idea of neighborhood
involvement was utilized by urban renewal planners in the fifties and
sixties, perhaps in an effort to co-opt residents whose neighborhoods were
being renewed into supporting these renewal efforts, and later by
poverty programs as a way of empowering recipients of program efforts.
Intergroup Relations Before and After World War Two
In 1937 the Carnegie Corporation, whose support of the Flexner
commission on Medical Education in 1910 served to exclude women
and people of color from medical training (Brown, 1979), hired the
Swedish sociologist, Gunnar Myrdal, to conduct a study of "The Negro
Problem." Myrdal was chosen because he was a respected sociologist
who came from a country without major minority groups; the Carnegie
Corporation therefore felt that he would present an unbiased point of
view. Myrdal himself perceived the issue as a moral dilemma,
the ever raging conflict between, on the one hand, the valuations
preserved on the general plane which we shall call the 'American
Creed,', where the American thinks, talks, and acts under the
influence of high national and Christian precepts, and, on the other hand,
the valuations on specific planes of individual and group living,
where personal and local interests; economic, social, and sexual
jealousies; considerations of community prestige and conformity;
group prejudice against particular persons or types of people; and
all sorts of miscellaneous wants impulses, and habits dominate his
outlook. (Myrdal, 1944, p. xvii.)
The sponsors of the study felt that it should "make the facts available
and let them speak for themselves ... (the foundation) does not undertake
to instruct the public as to what to do about them" (Myrdal,p. v.). However,
the study also contributed to "the need of the foundation itself for fuller
light in the formation and development of its own program" (p. v).
Although the book had been completed in 1942, and hence the basic
data had been collected prior to the United State's entry into World War
II, the 1944 publication meant that its major impact would come after
the war ended in 1945. It was remarkable both for its involvement of
many African-American and white scholars of the day, and for its
neglect of many other prominent African-American scholars. Although
there are many references to the work of W.E.B. DuBois, there is no
evidence that he was personally consulted about the study. DuBois was
one of the first African-Americans to become a sociologist. As a
sociologist and as an activist he made monumental contributions to race
relations and to scholarship in the period from 1900 to the Second World
War (DuBois, 1944; Aptheker, 1990). He moved from research in which
he hoped the facts would speak for themselves to activism as one of the
founders of the NAACP and back to scholarship again.
Another neglected black sociologist of the prewar era, George
Edmund Haynes started as a scholar, and then for many years headed
the Commission on Race Relations of the Federal Council of Churches
in America (Hunter, 1988). In this position, he developed a series of
interracial and intercultural clinics to help communities deal with
tensions arising from specific local problems (Haynes, 1946).
Although An American Dilemma was not intended as a blueprint for
social action, it did serve to raise the consciousness of American
sociologists about issues involving intergroup relations. But it was not alone
in this. The temper of the times, which included the air of optimism
which resulted from the end of the Second World War, the demands of
veterans, both black and white, for more equal treatment, the
desegregation of the Armed Forces by President Truman in 1948 (McCullough
1992), all led to an increase in concern about intergroup relations.
Although many of the leading social scientists of the day were involved
with Myrdal's work, many others were not. Charles Gomillion, who taught
for many years at Tuskeegee Institute, was actively involved in civic
leadership as a teacher, citizen, and sociologist. It was Gomillion, who as
President of the Tuskeegee Citizens Association, led the fight against the
gerrymandering of the civic boundaries of Tuskeegee to deny effective voting
rights to the Negro citizens of the area. The court fight led eventually to a
victory in the United States Supreme Court, a decision which later was
instrumental in the Court's 'one man one vote' rule (Gomillion, 1962; 1988).
In "The Role of the Sociologist in Community Action in the Rural South"
Gomillion (1988) discusses the ways in which the knowledge and
perceptions of the sociologist can be used to help citizens define the issues to be
worked on, the resources needed to change the situation, and the
development of appropriate and acceptable solutions.
The concerns raised by An American Dilemma led both to an
explosion in research, and to a focus on the uses of that research in solving
some of the problems thus revealed. At the University of Minnesota,
Arnold Rose, who had been one of the major contributors to An
American Dilemma, embarked upon a program of research on race relations.
His reader on Race, Prejudice and Discrimination (Rose, 1951) included
a major section on "Proposed Techniques for Eliminating Minority
Problems." At the Anti-Defamation League of B'Nai B'rith, Leo Srole headed
a research department concerned with the development of action projects
in which theory would be used as the basis for projects intended to
reduce prejudice and discrimination.
At Cornell University a remarkable group of scholars coalesced in a
department in which the uses of sociology was an underlying, although
A WorldWithout Words: The Social Construction of Children BornDeaf
And Blind, by David Goode. Philadelphia: Temple University Press,Health,
Society, And Policy Series, 1994. 261 pp. $44.95 cloth ISBN 1-56639-215-2.
$18.95 paper ISBN 1-56639-216-0.
Mitchell A. Kaplan, Ph.D, C.S.R.S.
Senior Research Associate
New York State Consortiumfor the Study of Disabilities
Office of Academic Affairs
City University of New York
David Goode has written a book which represents an important
milestone in the sociological study of disability. Goode began his
ground-breaking research on children with disabilities in the early 1970's when he was a
graduate student completing work on his doctorate in sociology at UCLA.
The research reported in this book was supported by a United States Public
Health Service grant given to the Mental Retardation Research Center at
the University of California at Los Angeles. The study was conducted
between 1973 and 1976 under the supervision of senior ethnomethodologists
Harold Garfinkel and Melvin Pollner whose teachings Goode drew upon
very heavily in the conceptualization of his research.
Goode's research focused upon the clinical application of
ethnomethodological techniques to the understanding of the day-to-day
lives of children with rubella syndrome who were born deaf, blind, and
mentally retarded in the 1960's. Utilizing participant observation
techniques and ethnographic personal accounts, Goode's research opens a
doorway for readers into the little known and little understood world of
social interaction existing between children with severe multiple
disabilities and the adult direct care workers and family care-givers who
take care of them.
The book is organized into seven chapters, each dealing with a
different stage of research process. In Chapter One Goode gives readers a
clear, concise, overview of the content of each section of the book and
his reasons for wanting to get involved in this type of social research. In
Chapters Two and Three Goode describes his "in-depth" personal
observations of two deaf/blind mentally impaired children with whom he
spent time, one living in an institutional setting of a state hospital ward
and the other living in a non-institutional family setting. One of the
critical questions that guided Goode's research was his desire to know
and understand how deaf/blind mentally retarded children who have not
developed formal verbal language skills communicate their basic
human wants, needs, and desires to the adults who take care of them. In
order to answer this question, Goode spent time observing and taking
care of two deaf/blind mentally retarded children in their natural
environments. Based upon his behavioral observations of the social
interaction between himself and the two deaf/blind children with whom he
lived, Goode was able to determine that despite their severe physical
and mental limitations, these children were very capable of
communicating their basic human wants, needs, and desires through a series of
complex bodily gestures and routinized behavioral responses to stimuli
in their immediate social environments.
In Chapter Four Goode reflects on the potential for human
understanding without shared formal symbolic language. In his reflections on
this issue, the author posits that shared formal language ability is but
one of many human faculties allowing people to experience the world of
social reality. It is indeed possible, for adults who can see and hear, to
achieve rich, meaningful, and multifaceted relationships with children
who do not possess the functional facility for shared symbolic verbal
language. In Chapter Five Goode discusses the epistemological
relationship between events as they occur in what he calls the lived order of
everyday life and the representation of these everyday life events as seen
in the data collected in social scientific research.
In Chapter Six Goode reviews the findings of a number of social
scientific studies that have attempted to examine the social relationship
between adults and children. Goode argues that most of the social
scientific research that has been conducted during the course of the last
several decades has examined the phenomena of adult/child interaction from
the adult point of view. Goode posits that children think about and
organize the events in their everyday world in a different way than adults do.
He uses the term "Kids Culture" (p.166) to describe the way children
see and act upon events in their everyday world. Goode notes that it is
within this kid culture that children learn to experience their world in a
BOOK REVIEWS 147
more autonomous way enabling them to develop separate self-identities
without adult intervention. Goode further notes that access and
participation in kid culture is not guaranteed to all children in our society. He
argues that because children with severe disabilities have so much of
their sense of self-identity given to them by the adults who care for
them, they are often denied access to kid culture. Therefore, they never
learn to experience and organize their everyday world in the same way
normal children do.
In Chapter Seven Goode discusses the conclusions of his research
and summarizes what has happened to the deaf/blind mentally retarded
children and their families in the twenty year period since his study was
completed. Goode argues that research on disability is still in its early
stages of development. Researchers need to spend more time directly
observing and talking with people with disabilities,in order for them to
fully understand the realities of their everyday world. The author
concludes that in the last two decades some improvements have been made
in the quality of services offered to severely disabled children and their
families. However, there is still much that needs to be done to assist
individuals with severe disabilities to achieve fullintegration into the
mainstream of society.
In the opinion of this reviewer, Goode's book represents a
passionate appeal for human understanding. The author's treatment of a
difficult human issue is caring and sensitive. The narrative descriptions in
the book are presented to readers in a clear, concise, and informative
way. The book would make an excellent text for social scientists
developing university level courses on psychosocial aspects of disability. The
book would also make an excellent resource for special education and
human service professionals working in community-based agencies
providing needed educational and social services to children with severe
disabilities and their families.
Emotion in Organizations offers an important contribution to the
study of emergent changes in the sociology of organizations, especially
organizational change. It challenges the reader to reconceptualize certain
fundamental assumptions about organizations and organizational behavior,
namely the occurrence and function of emotions in organizations. Although
the current work is imbued with a strong focus on gender issues, it also
manages to transcend that discussion and points up the important value
addition from feminist sociology to the sociology of emotion. While the
book does not attempt to set forth a single coherent new theory of emotions,
relying instead on "... existing social constructionist and psychodynamic
thought," it offers a tantalizing challenge to theoretical formulation
nevertheless. In short, this collection of essays leads the reader into an exciting
frontier of important sociological challenge and growth.
Bureaucracy, the epitome of rational social behavior, has been
assumed to be—and idealized as—a place without emotional interference.
The book shows that this idealization is dependent upon a false
understanding of emotions. Emotions are not surgically excised from the
organizational corpus; rather much social and psychological work in organizations
is directed toward the management and repression of unaccepted emotions.
As the reader begins to glimpse the social nature of emotional behavior, it
also becomes apparent that this area of study has been sadly neglected in
sociological research, both in and beyond organizations.
The readings point out that it is through successful feminist
contributions to sociology that emotions, especially emotions in organizational
settings, have begun to lose their pathological stigma. The discussion is
no longer limited to arguing the legitimacy of emotions in women in
organizations. Instead, the reader is introduced to a different
perspective on the emotional emancipation of men as well. Emotions,
regardless of gender, are socially derived and managed, and not genetically
fixed in gender differentiated chromosome configurations. While the
dominance of males over social science, etc., is not a new conflict issue,
it is particularly rewarding to begin to see what contributions a shared
scientific platform has to offer. Since conflict theory has appeared to
provide a major basis for the study and discussion of gender issues, it is
also particularly exciting to glimpse the rich potential in the study of
emotions from other perspectives, such as micro-theoretical and,
hopefully, symbolic interactionist perspectives. Fineman suggests that
emotions must be understood from a diversity of such perspectives rather
than sociologists and social-psychologists engaging in destructive
conflict to determine a single victor.
If there is any weakness in the presentation of the perspectives
included in this work, it is in the repeated digression into gender conflict
issues and the effects of male organizational dominance. All-in-all, this
book was engrossing, inspiring, and challenging. It stands as a must for
anyone interested especially in organizations, and organizational change,
but also is important for anyone seeking insights into cutting-edge
developments in sociology.
I.A.M. (Integrated Anger Management): A Common Sense Guide to
Coping with Anger, by Melvin L. Fein. Westport, CN: Praeger, 1993, 231 pp.
$12.95 paper. ISBN 0-275-94244-9. $49.95 cloth. ISBN 0-275-94773-4.
L. John Brinkerhoff
The Center for Individual and Family Services
How might one interpret, in a book written about anger
management, the not infrequent application by its author of such terms as
"stupid" or "fashionable pap" to that with which he is in disagreement?
Initially amusing, eventually annoying, the overall effect was to distract
this reader in reviewing an otherwise interesting and welcome
contribution to the literature. More about this matter later.
The contents of the book are summarized nicely on its back cover:
Despite our justified fears of its destructiveness, anger is an
essential part of our social life. I.A.M. providesa way to take advantage
of this by offering a step-by-step guide for 1. keeping the emotion
safe, 2. learning to tolerate its sometimesoverwhelming intensity,
3. evaluating its often disguised objectives, 4. relinquishing
impossible aims, and 5. realistically employing its power to obtain
A broad audience would seem intended, including those in search of
self-help in managing anger, clinicians, sociologists of emotion, and the
The book is especially interesting in its treatment of anger from the
perspective of the sociology of emotions, in making explicit the social
construction, negotiation, and role of anger, and the advantages
accruing to those who master the emotion. The chapters "Anger and the
Family" and "Anger and Organizational Leadership" are recommended
reading in particular.
In many ways, however, the person struggling with anger seems to
be to whom the book is primarily addressed. The author, in a rather
touching preface, reveals motivations for writing this book that well
transcend the merely academic or clinical. Perhaps it is this self-help
quality that accounts for the aforementioned distractions in a style of
writing not uncommon to this particular genre.
In writing for clinicians, the author acknowledges the many
competing voices in the field of anger management, but asserts that each, in
its own way, lacks a needed comprehensiveness of approach,
particularly with regard to addressing the more sociological dimensions of the
emotion. The author's stated contribution is to integrate these various
perspectives and approaches to bring about this comprehensiveness,
thereby offering greater potential for success in managing anger. Within
the book, the author does not indicate if I.A.M. either has undergone or
is undergoing any controlled or comparative clinical study.
Finally, this reviewer recommends that the author consider
developing a clinical manual for I.A.M. This can elaborate upon concepts and
interventions proposed and can reduce the amount of reading time for
practitioners who presumably hold much of the contents within their
clinical domain of knowledge and practice, although as the author
asserts, not yet in holistic form.
Power in the Highest Degree: Professionals and the Rise of a New Mandarin
Order, by Charles Berber, William A. Schwartz and Yale Magrass. New York:
Oxford University Press, Inc., 1990.275 pp. $12.95. ISBN 0-19-503778-2
The American University in Cairo, Egypt
In the light of fundamental socio-political changes in Eastern
Europe and the former USSR since the 1989 revolution,new social orders
have emerged around the world. It is a period that one can easily label a
post-cold war era. With the unpredictability of the future, and the
uncertainty of the present, nontraditional methods of analysis have become
eminent to explain and understand the world's behavior. Such new
methods of analysis must be able to probe into the past in the light of the
dynamics of the present. The task of explaining fundamental
socio-political issues such as power and class conflict as well as stability,
freedom, and democracy, seem to preoccupy social scientists in general and
sociologists in particular. The work of Derber, Schwartz and Magrass
in their book, Power in the Highest Degree, offers a challenging
perspective in explaining and studying the concept of power. Their work is
profound to the sociological theory and methodology of power and
authority in modern society. The authors are articulate in presenting a new
argument to the concept of power. Their empirical methodology has
brought particular dynamics to their theorizing.
The authors analyze the concept of power in a new term, i.e.,
knowledge, which offers a vital understanding of professions in contemporary
society. The authors contend that professional knowledge is as critical
as capital to power. They provide an analysis that makes the traditional
Marxist perspective on power sound reductionist. The authors argue
that the merits of professionalism are increasingly enshrined in our
language and that professionals now connote competence, expertise and
impartial authority. Derber, Schwartz and Magrass warn of the dark
side of professionalism where a new proletariat has emerged. This new
proletariat is composed of a majority of uncredentialed professionals.
Alongside the main capitalist command structure based on money,
professionals have created a second hierarchy based on credentialed
expertise. The authors point out two systems of authority to define the new
social order that they refer to as "Mandarin Capitalism." These are
capitalists and certified experts.
In their analysis, they point out that although professionals argue that
power based on knowledge is natural andjustifiable, unlike power based on
wealth or violence, professionalism erodes the rights of those not certified
as experts, bringing its own threats to democracy and equality. The authors
insist that power based on knowledge is a basic form of class power.
Through their analysis from history and the present, the authors
contend that while today's most powerful knowledge
class—professionals—does not rule in any society, professionals have infused both
capitalism and socialism with modern mandarin logic. Professionals have
essentially turned modern knowledge into private property, as in
Mandarin China; such intellectual property is becoming the coin of the realm
convertible into class power, privilege and status.
The authors illustrate the case of the United States in which they see
three, not two, major classes emerging: capitalists, workers, and
professionals, each class vying with the others.
The authors provide case analysis on Eastern Europe, China, and
the former USSR. In this work, professionals are viewed as a class which
relies mainly on claims to knowledge rather than labor or capital as the
basis of their quest for wealth and power. Examples are physicians and
attorneys. The book also provides essential empirical data on the rise of
professionals in Eastern and Western societies.
This work is divided into six parts and includes seventeen chapters.
In the first part, the authors explore how knowledge, like capital, can
become private property, the basis of class power. In parts two and three,
the authors tell the story of the birth and rise of modern experts and
show how professionals have constituted themselves as a class by
creating faith in their own version of objective knowledge and by helping to
shape both education and the division of labor. In part four, the authors
look at "Mandarin Capitalism"—today's new social order and
theprofessional's privileged role in it. In part five, the authors explore
the values and political ideology of professionals and ask whether they
might unify to pursue a more politically ambitious mandarin agenda. In
parts four and five, the authors report interviews in which professionals
spoke about the just rewards of expertise, about their power over
workers and clients, about their "professional culture" and about their
ambivalent loyalties to their employers and to capitalism itself. In part six,
the authors explore the possibilities of a "post-professional society" in
which expertise is socialized. Prosperity and freedom, the authors
suggest, depend increasingly on putting knowledge, as well as capital, at
the disposal of the people and giving them the opportunity to develop
skills and become productive thinkers.
This work is a synthesis in social and political theory. It is well
written and clear, and presents a concise argument to the concept of
power. I consider this work a fundamental—must be
read—contribution in social science literature. For those who are interested in critical
thinking, the authors offer a new explanatory tool for the power
equation in modern society.
Power in the Highest Degree is recommended to scholars in social
sciences and to all professionals.
Sociology, Anthropology, and Development: An Annotated Bibliography
of World Bank Publications 1975-1993, by Michael M. Cernea. Washington,
D.C.: The World Bank, 1994. 314 pp. $29.95 paper. ISBN 0-8213-2781-X.
Desmond M. Connor
Connor Development Services Ltd.
Victoria, EC. Canada
Nearly two decades of writing in applied sociology and
anthropology, some 400 publications in all, are summarized here for easy access
by applied social scientists, development practitioners and academics—
scholars or students. Without this compilation, most of these
monographs and studies would have drifted into obscurity and nothingness.
Entries are organized by categories:
BOOK REVIEWS 153
Social science and development.
Social organization and social actors.
Settlement and resettlement.
Social variables in environmental management.
Social policy in sectorial analysis (housing and urban
development, rural development, agricultural extension,
education, health, roads, energy use).
Social research and methodologies.
Items can also be accessed by author, title and geographic location.
Taken together, this body of work indicates how applied sociology
and anthropology are contributing both to (a) individual, community
and economic development, and (b) the testing and elaboration of theory,
methods and professional practice. In my own area, public
participation, fifteen papers include references to: a Bank-wide learning group
on participation; proceedings of several conferences on participation; a
case study of "bottom-up planning" in Mexico; another case of three
water supply projects in Kenya and Mexico; a comparative review of
participation in National Environmental Action Plans in five countries;
a toolkit for trainers in public participation; field methods for
participative gender analysis; and a comparative analysis of fifty projects with
and without participation.
This volume also reflects the author's twenty years of work with the
Bank, beginning as its first in-house sociologist/anthropologist in 1974 and
continuing to his present position as its Senior Adviser for Sociology and
Social Policy. He could probably write an equally valuable guide on how to
survive and flourish in an economically dominated international agency.
With this model now available, when can we expect a similar
annotated bibliography from the groaning shelves of the U.S. Department of
Agriculture, with its wealth of material from research by rural
sociologists and others on the subjects of extension, adoption of practices,
migration, forestry, park management and more?
Copies of this annotated bibliography are available without charge
if the request is made by a chairperson of a department of sociology,
anthropology, social work, or psychology. (Interested scholars should
ask the department chairperson to make the request for shared
department use.) The limited supply of free copies will be sent on a "first
request-first served basis." Write to: Dr. Michael Cernea, Senior
Adviser for Sociology and Social Policy,The World Bank, at 1818 H Street,
NW, Washington, D.C. 20433, USA.
The Mystery of Goodness and the Positive Moral Consequences of
Psychotherapy, by Mary W. Nicholas. New York: W.W. Norton, 1994. 248 pp.
$30.00 cloth. ISBN 0-393-70166-2.
Julia A. Mayo
Chief, Clinical Studies; Clinical Professor of Psychiatry
St. Vincent's Hospital and Medical Center of New York
According to Nicholas, the essence of goodness embodies a core of
values that consists of five moral attributes: altruism, responsibility,
justice, egalitarianism, and honesty. These are contrasted to the opposite
dimensions of selfishness, irresponsibility, injustice, elitism and
dishonesty (meaning lying, cheating and stealing).
The Preface describes how the author came to write the book. As often
is the case, this book derives from the author's professional concern in what
she decries as the amoral and neutral position of psychotherapists in the
face of what may represent problems in character development more than
symptoms of clinical psychopathology. Section One contains two chapters
discussing the absence of "goodness" as an overt issue in psychotherapy
and deploring a lack of emphasis on the five interpersonal virtues (the moral
attributes above). Goodness is defined as the capacity to behave with love
and concern toward others. This in turn embodies two aspects: morality
(distinguishing right from wrong), and virtue (being and acting positively
in the world). The entire thrust of the book from this point onward is that of
"the therapist as moral beacon."
Section Two contains five chapters. According to Nicholas, morality is
not viewed as a target of change by many therapists today largely because it
is not considered a valid topic for "scientific consideration" (p. 39). She
feels Freud's biologic positivism is well established in the medical model in
psychotherapy and continues to dominate the field as "scientific" but
remains grossly inadequate to explain what it means to be a human in terms
of spontaneity, subjectivity and goodness. The remaining four chapters
elaborate more on Darwinism and individualism. These chapters are rich with
quotations from philosophers, sociobiologists, economists, educators and
self psychologists in particular, who together institutionalize four amoral
biases which preventthe therapist from conscious awareness of the
meaning of goodness as a therapeutic tool. These amoral biases are:
An assumption of alienation in the universe. A positivist bias in overvaluing pragmatic and empirical outcomes in therapy. A Darwinian bias which negates prosocial behavior.
BOOK REVIEWS 155
An individualistic bias which tends to attribute improve
ment in patients to independence rather than enhanced
A good deal of emphasis is given to Rest's model of moral
development which is a four component paradigm which includes moral
sensitivity, moral judgment, moral attitude and moral action. The author
provides numerous citations from Bellak, Sullivan, Buber and generously
credits Alcoholics Anonymous with the positive power of group
connectedness for helping individuals gain or regain a sense of moral
grounding. Group therapy is touted highly and described repeatedly as a forum
for the development of the five values that lead to goodness.
Section Three essentially is a potpourri of clinical vignettes and
citations from the psychological literature with all of Chapter Eleven
describing moral dilemmas of persons with narcissistic and borderline
personalities and how group therapy can provide a safe environment for
clarifying the problem of hubris in individuals with addictions
involving issues of codependency and shame. The section ends with emphasis
on the therapist's responsibility to be moral and to promote "goodness"
by incorporating the values of honesty, responsibility altruism,
egalitarianism and justice in clinical practice.
One positive aspect of this book is that it is timely in catching the
mood of every person that the social order is "out of order" and that
attention must be paid to basic fundamental values of decency. There is
indeed something terribly wrong in a society which abdicates a
willingness to take a stand for good against not good.
I found reading this book frustrating, yet compelling. It is a
complicated critique of the psychological literature, a review of 17th and 18th
century philosophy, and a narrative about how group therapy can be a
forum for addressing personal and social values. There is an
unfortunate shift back and forth between a pedagogic theoretical stance of
academic debate and a descriptiveclinical patient-oriented style of writing.
There is a plethora of data and case studies which are not organized into
an easily assimilated framework. One can be impressed with the trees
but finds oneself lost in the forest. The author's rich professional and
personal experience shines through but there are assumptions about the
level of the reader's knowledge and clinical experience that may be
difficult for both beginning practitioners and lay persons to fully
appreciate. I would certainly recommend it to any experienced clinician,
although hopefully, one would be preaching to the choir. The implication
of the author's thesis is that goodness occurs in a social context. Her
book makes explicit what is implicit, namely that the morals of the
therapist are critical. The therapist must be a morally active change agent or
the patient merely exchanges one dubious parental superego for another.
Dr. Nicholas brings us to the edge of goodness with insight.
However, it has been my clinical experience that insight is not enough as
gained in individual psychotherapy for sustained behavioral change. I
fully echo the author's understanding of the synergistic effect of
individual and group psychotherapy as a catalyst for moral change. The book
is heavy on "shoulds" and "oughts" and light on "how to." This book on
"Mystery" of Goodness could easily be called the "Mastery" of
Goodness. This was not light, escape reading. I felt a moral obligation to read
it and having done so, feel definitely the better for it. It is unfortunate
that we need such a book to remind us as human beings to be kind and
gentle toward and with each other. There is an aphorism of Hillel in
Hebrew, paraphrased: "If I am not for myself, who will be for me? And
if I am only for myself, what am I? And if not now, when?"
This Rough Magic: The Life of Teaching, by Daniel A. Lindley. Westport,
CT:Bergin&Garvey. 1993.142 pp., $15.95 paperback. ISBN 0-89789-366-2
Dean S. Dorn
California State University, Sacramento
This book integrates the author's recent experiences with Jungian
psychology with his many years of experience teaching both
adolescents in the secondary classroom and students going into teaching in the
college classroom. He is currently completing the analyst training
program of the Jung Institute of Chicago. For over twenty years he was
Chair of English Education at the University of Illinois at Chicago. In
the preface he states his thesis (xii): "I am interested in what happens in
actual successful classrooms, but I am just as interested in what happens
in the psyche of the successful teacher over time. Technique without the
involvement of the teacher's soul—psyche, literally—is worse than
hollow: It is a sham, and will immediately be seen through by students."
Lindley wants to understand teaching in a deep way. For him
teaching has two planes (public and private) and two domains (the teacher
and the "Other," the separate student). The task of being a great teacher
is to understand the "mystery under the craft" of teaching and to join up
as an equal with the student. What is being taught in the curriculum
must resonate with the inner state of the student and the teacher.
Therefore, the intellectual and content aspects of teaching cannot be
separated from feelings and emotions. Lindley believes, however, that we
have it all wrong. In the typical classroom, content rules. The teacher is
merely the "purveyor of material" and the student is merely an "empty
vessel" waiting to be filled when the right teachershows up. This view
denies the importance of the "inner world of the teacher and the
student" where all teaching is shaped to some extent. This inner world is
the domain of the psyche. This is the source of all good teaching.
Using the Jungian concept of archetypes, Lindley posits that
unconsciously in every adult there is an inner child and that in every child
there is an inner adult. "Each teacher has a conscious, out-in-the world
teacher self as well as an unconscious inner child. And each student has
an unconscious inner adult." (p.44) Hence, good teaching must be based
on the inner child of the teacher (his or her own childishness) bringing
about the inner and knowing adult in the student. Only in this way is
there a joining, a bonding of the student with the teacher, which is the
key to successful teaching. Students must be made to feel like adults so
they can join the teacher in learning the curriculum, and the teacher
must allow the spontaneous and exploring child within to come forth so
the teacher can join the child as an equal. In good teaching the
connection between the teacher and the student is one of transference and
counter-transference. The child (student) within the teacher is nourished
by actual students and the adult (teacher) within each child isnourished
by the presence of the actual teacher. This creates a bond, a state of
empathy between the teacher and the student. The inner child of the
teacher makes the student feel like a responsible adult and that, in turn,
makes the student want to help the teacher.
Poor teaching is the opposite—teaching through the use of power
and will alone when the teacher's power is used to control and repress
the child. In poor teaching, "learners are 'found out' when they act like
children—when they are loud or impulsive." (p. 45). When there is a
relationship between the child and the teacher that is equal, power
cannot intervene and destroy learning. Poor teaching then is to teach from
the teacher's adult perspective (with will and authority) where the
hidden agenda is the teacher's need for power. When there is poor
teaching, children are expected to act like adults but are treated like
children (the real hidden curriculum). A poor teacher is one whose
inner child has died or been repressed into the unconscious, so that
"students come to seem more distant, more ignorant, more uncaring,
less worth the effort." (p. 107) With poor teachers there is nothing new
to learn or to teach.
For Lindley the path to becoming a good teacher means pondering
our own stories; we must find out who we are in relation to the
curriculum we teach. Good teaching does not begin with technique or
pedagogy, but rather with "personal reflection begun in the teacher and
continued in the student." (p. 60) Teachers should ask about their lesson
plans, "How did I learn this?" not "How shall I teach this?" Teachers
need to look back and see themselves as the unknowing child so they
can see their students reflected in the mirror of their reflection. The
point of departure is to ask questions about the content of what is taught
the way a child would ("open, non-judgmental, taking in experience
whole") so that the teacher is free to ask the child those same questions
when they teach the child.
Throughout the book, Lindley masterfully weaves his own story and
experiences of teaching with his Jungian philosophy of teaching and
learning. He presents many specific examples to illustrate his points
and support his view. And as a true blue clinician he offers much that is
practical: only attempt to change what is possible in your teaching and
in your classroom (getting students to have an open mind, motivation,
the curriculum, time), not the impossible (the lack of concern and effort
by other teachers).
This is a excellent little book that is full of much insight and
wisdom about teaching and which can provide the classroom teacher at all
levels of instruction with much to think about. For this author, teaching
is a liminal experience, betwixt and between the student and the teacher,
the school and the curriculum. This book substantially illuminates that
space. And no teacher who reads it will be able to put it down without
reflecting on their own place within that space.
When Love Dies: The Process of Marital Disaffection, by Karen Kayser.
New York: The Guilford Press, 1993. 191 pp. $26.95 Cloth. ISBN
Centerfor Problem-Solving Therapy
During an interview on National Public Radio several years ago, the
pioneering family therapist Salvador Minuchin was asked how he accounted
for the high divorce rate (nearly fifty percent) in America. He responded
BOOK REVIEWS 159
that when you consider that in each marriage two people are attempting to
bring together the rules, roles and expectations from two different families,
both carrying the legacy of cultural heritage and idiosyncratic patterns of
thinking and being, it is amazing that any marriages last at all.
Perhaps overstated, this assertion highlights the ever increasing (and
perhaps unrealistic) demands that we place on the institution of
marriage. More importantly, it beckons a call for increased awareness and
understanding of how the myriad of marital challenges are both
successfully and unsuccessfully negotiated. I believe that Karen Kayser's
book, When Love Dies: The Process of Marital Disaffection, offers timely
and meaningful insights about the many steps that often lead to losing
one's emotional attachment to a spouse. Conversely, it provides clues
that might prove helpful in mitigating such a process.
Kayser draws from her own research project and a comprehensive
assortment of related studies to offer a variety of explanations for marital
disaffection. For example, marital disaffection seems to occur primarily in
one spouse, after a sequence of stages during which he or she may try
unsuccessfully to discuss or resolve specific complaints. Eventually, this
person begins to doubt their spouse, their marriage, and ultimately their own
love and caring for their partner. The most frequent types of events that
were reported to be turning points were: the partner's controlling behavior,
the partner's lack of responsibility, and the partner's lack of emotional
support. Yet, when the spouse with growing doubts attempts to address
concerns, this is often met with defensive routines of avoidance, blame, or
unresponsiveness. Not surprisingly, the process that leads to disaffection
takes on a life of its own, and affects behaviors and perceptions in a circular
manner. For example, in contrast to dating and courtship, when couples
often overlook negative traits or behaviors, in this middle phase (which is
often characterized by intense anger) a spouse may magnify the negative
behaviors he/she sees while overlooking desirable ones. Ultimately, hurt
gives way to anger, which gives way to disaffection. Kayser asserts,
"apathy, not hate, is the opposite of love." (p.68)
After I absorbed the thoughts and feelings of those persons who
have reached disaffection that are documented through normative data
and anecdotes in this book, I was left believing more strongly that
successful relationships are best achieved through mutuality and respect.
Yet, these qualities and values seem to swim ever so slowly against the
cultural tide of imbalance. Perhaps, we can change the direction of the
current by better performing egalitarian values and relationship skills,
in our pairs.
Resumes en Francais
Un Peu de 1'histoire de la sociologie clinique et de la pratique
sociologique: la partie I
David J. Kallen
Des le debut de la discipline, les sociologues ont utilise leur
connaissance pour operer des changements. Cette etude passe en revue
les antecedents primitifs de la pratique sociologique, puis concentre sur
trois domaines de la pratique qui fournissent un exemple de la pratique.
Ces domaines sont: les etudes des rapports intergroupe, et avant et apres
la Deuxieme Guerre mondiale; les etudes du moral des soldats faites
pendant le Deuxieme Guerre mondiale; et les programmes de criminalite
juvenile et de pauvrete. Apres la fin de la Deuxieme Guerre mondiale la
concentration de la sociologie s'est deplacee du monde exterieur aux
interets disciplinaires, et le developpement theorique etait regarde comme
incompatible avec 1'emploi de la sociologie. La pratique sociologique a
emerge comme un mouvement social a 1'interieur de la sociologie a la
reponse aux problemes crees par ce deplacement de concentration. Cet
article termine avec une description du deplacement du paradigme; un
article a venir discutera 1'emergence recent de la pratique sociologique.
Le feminisme, la volonte de Dieu, et 1'habilitation de la femme
Cet article est base sur des principes sociologiques cliniques derivees
des theories de Durkheim et de Weber, aussi bien que des conclusions
des recherches contemporaines qui suggerent que la religion et le
feminisme peuvent etre des sources sociales de 1'habilitation de la femme.
L'orientation theorique unit des influences sociales et culturelles sur le
comportement, aussi bien que les procedees intrapsychiques et
interpersonnelles de prendre des decisions qui sont characteristiques
d'autres modalites therapeutiques.
Deux histoires de vie montrent la maniere dans laquelle le feminisme
et la religion renforcent le developpement personnel de la femme, et
elargit la portee de sa contribution a la societe. On examine les
influences du feminisme et de la religion sur les croyances de ces femmes, et
aussi comment la redefinition des responsabilites pendant les sessions
cliniques—en approfondant et en elargissant la comprehension de la
volonte de Dieu—modifie leur comportement. Les practiciens
sociologiques peuvent profiter de la comprehension de comment le
feminisme inspire quelques femmes a travailler pour leur habilitation
individuelle et collective en se livrant a des pratiques religieuses (la
priere et la meditation), ce qui leur donnent de 1'appui emotionnel a leur
mise en question des croyances traditionnelles qui definissent le
patriarcat comme la volonte de Dieu. Les resultats cliniques suggerent que le
feminisme et la religion peuvent motiver des clientes a redefinir la realite
et a modifier leur facon de se comporter en encourageant des
reevaluations de leur comprehension de la volonte de Dieu et de leurs
responsabilites individuelles et sociales.
Le sociologue clinique comme gerant de bornage: le cas de
John G. Bruhn, et Alan P. Chesney
Menager les conflits a 1'interstice ou aux bornes au niveau de
1'individu, du groupe, et de 1'organisation est une partie essentielle du
devoir d'un administrateur universitaire. Au mesure que les universites
deviennent sujet aux influences externes croissantes, surtout financeres,
les administrateurs sont appeles a reorganiser, a restructurer, et a reallouer
des resources. Ces interventions defient substantiellement les
administrateurs academiques et les sociologues cliniques qui remplient
ces roles a utiliser leurs habilites comme menagers de conflit et de
risque. Cette etude decrit et discute les experiences et les observations des
auteurs comme gerants de bornage dans le milieu universitaire.
Les effets sur 1'appui social, sur la tension, et sur la sante des
personnes agees, de 1'organisation de 1'assistance volontaire.
Moments speciaux, temps speciaux: occasions problematiques a la suite
de la mort d'un enfant
Sarah Brabant, Craig J. Forsyth, et Glenda McFarlain
Employant des donnes de 14 interviews qui represented 9 families
et la mort de 10 enfants, cet article examine les moments dans le temps
qui entrainent, ou peuvent entrainer, des rencontres sociales qui sont
problematiques pour le parent ou les parents affliges: 1) les jours de fete
en general, c.-a-d. Noel, lejour de 1'An; des evenements
particuliers,c.a-d. des noces, des enterrements, des remises des diplomes; et 3) les
occasions specifiquement associees avec 1'enfant decede, c.-a-d. son
anniversaire ou 1'anniversaire de sa mort. Pour les parents affliges, de
telles occasions peuvent etre insupportables. Dans le cas des jours de
fete ou des evenements speciaux, 1'absence du defunt peut etre
particulierement poignante puisqu'il aurait ete present s'il avait survecu.
Dans le cas de 1'anniversaire ou de 1'anniversaire de la mort, le manque
des autres a noter le signifiance du jour accentue l'isolement de la perte.
De tels moments dans le temps, cependant, sont importants
sociologiquement aussi bien que psychologiquement parce qu;'ils marquent des
evenements qui appartient au groupe entier aussi bien qu'a des membres
particuliers du groupe. Le parent afflige, alors, doit supporter non
seulement les membres du groupe mais aussi le group lui-meme. La
conceptualisation d'Erving Goffman de la «rencontre sociale» fournit
plus d'apercus de pourquoi ces occasions sont aussi problematique pour
le parent afflige. Des implications pour la consultation des affliges sont
L'integration structurelle, normativeet communale dans les organisations
Clovis R. Shepherd
Cet article definit et decrit les concepts des dimensions structurelles,
normatives et communales du comportement des organisations, et on
discute des aspects de 1'integration de ces dimensions. Quelques-unes
des dynamiques de consultation utilisant ces dimensions sont decrites,
et on deline quelques questions et problemes. Les descriptions de
comportement viennent des experiences de 1'auteur comme expert conseil
d'une variete d'organisations.
RESUMES EN FRANCAIS 163
L'auditeur dangereux: des perils inattendus dans les interviews intensives
Tracy X. Karner et Carol A. B. Warren
Nous suggerons que les intervieweurs deviennent dangereux par
1'acte meme d'ecouter. Dans 1'ecoute dangereuse, il y a un effet de miroir
par lequel 1'auditeur detourne le nouveau moi, le moi reprime, et revele
1'ancien. Le coeur du danger, c'est le moi de 1'interviewe reflechi par le
rapport de l'intervieweur avec son moi anterieur. Les donnes sont tirees
de deux series d'interviews intensives, 1'une entre des alienees et des
ex-alienees pendant les annees 1950 en Californie (voir Warren, 1987),
et 1'autre avec des anciens combattants de la guerre au Vietnam dans
une salle de traumatisme d'un hopital du ministere des anciens
combattants (voir Karner, 1994). En ecoutant, le narrateur et
l'intervieweur deviennent participants dans le temoignage d'une
violation d'une norme sociale ou personnelle. Apres une telle relation,
1'auditeur est vu comme le depositaire du passe inquiet du narrateur, et
constitue une menace de jugement ou de devoilement. Ces dangers
d'ecouter ne sont pas seulement ces dangers particuliers bio-medicaux
et sociaux impliques dans la rhetorique du reglement des sujets humains,
ils sont aussi les dangers de la vie du monde quotidien dans lequel le
moi de chacun change, et change encore.
Les effets sur 1'appui social, sur la tension, et sur la sante des personnes
agees, de 1'organisation de 1'assistance volontaire
Peter C. Meyer et Monica Budowski
Dans un quartier d'une communaute urbaine, une agence pour
organiser de 1'assistance volontaire a ete etablie sous le domaine d'un
programme de recherche en action. Des donnees d'une etude
longitudinal ont ete employees pour evaluer les effets de cette agence sur les
personnes agees. L'hypothese formulee est que 1'assistance volontaire
organisee est un moyen d'ameliorer 1'appui social et de reduire la
tension sociale. On anticipe que ces effets auront des effets positifs indirects
sur la sante. Dans la premiere enquete, un prelevement au hasard pondere
(totale N=907, dont 303 etaient ages, c.-a-d. ayant plus de 64 ans) a ete
interroge au sujet de la tension sociale, de 1'appui social, de la sante, de
la demande pour 1'assistance en general, et de 1'emploi de 1'assistance
professionnelle et medicale. Ensuite une agence pour organiser de
1'assistance volontaire du quartier a ete etablie et observee. Trois ans
plus tard, 1'enquete de suite a ete accomplie. Une evaluation d'effet du
programme susmentionne est determine en comparant les donnees
d'enquete des personnes agees habitants du quartier ou a ete etablie
1'agence, avec les donnees d'un groupe de control de personnes agees
habitants d'un autre quartier de la meme ville ou aucune action pareille
n'a ete faite. Les resultats montrent des effets negatifs imprevus sur
1'appui social et sur le systeme d'assistance non-officiel des personnes
agees du quartier, la ou de 1'assistance volontaire de voisinage a ete
organisee. Au meme temps, cependant, 1'assistance volontaire organisee
a reduit en fait la tension sociale et des desordres medicaux peu graves,
aussi bien que 1'emploi des services medicales professionnelles. Ces
resultats exigent de 1'analyse et de la discussion plus amples des moyens
pour reduire 1'effect negatif sur 1'appui social sans affaiblir 1'effet de
soulagement sur la tension et 1'effet positif sur la sante.
L'adaptation d'une habilite dans la puericulture pour les noirs dans la
Louisiane du sud: une perspective sociologique
Kathleen H. Sparrow
Get article concentre son attentionsur le «Programme de lapericulture
efficace des noirs» developpe par le Centre pour 1'amelioration des soins
des enfants. L'enque'te actuelle est une tentative de presenter 1'adaptation
de ce programme a des families noires dans un milieu non-urbaine.
L'auteur est certifiee comme facilitatrice du programme. L'etude
concentre sur 1'emploi de 1'analyse de role et de la dynamiquedes groupes
comme outils d'enseignement. Les programmes de puericulture efficace
sont tres importants a la survivance et a la socialisation des enfants noirs.
Le sociologue comme expert d'attenuation dans les proces d'assassinat
Craig J. Forsyth
Cette etude decrit les experiences d'un sociologue comme expert
d'attenuation au cours du proces «typique» d'assassinat, de 1'acte
d'accusation jusqu'a la phase penale dujugement. L'auteur, qui travaille
dans des proces de peine de mort (assassinat) depuis 1988, a travaille
comme expert d'attenuation dans plus de 40 de tels proces. Les sujets
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