Full Issue: Volume 11

Wayne State University, Dec 1993

By CSR Editors, Published on 01/01/93

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Full Issue: Volume 11

CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY REVIEW Volume 0730-840X Full Issue: Volume 11 CSR Editors 0 1 2 3 4 5 Recommended Citation 0 Historical Section Editor: Jan M. Fritz Department of Sociology, 5500 University Parkway, California State University at San Bernadino , 92047- 2397; 714-880-5558 , USA 1 Assistant Editor: Louisa Howe Psychomotor Institute , 60 Western Avenue, Cambridge, MA 02139; 617-354-1044 2 Associate Editor: David W. Watts Dean, College of Arts and Sciences, Southeastern Louisiana University , Hammond, LA 70402; 504-549-2101 , USA 3 Editorial Board: Jeanette Davidson, University of North Texas , Denton TX Richard J. Gagan, Tampa, FL John E. Glass , University of North Texas , Denton, TX Barry Glassner , University of Connecticut , Storrs, CT C. Allen Haney , University of Houston , Houston, TX David J. Kalian , Michigan State University , East Lansing, MI Elizabeth Briant Lee , Drew University , Madison, NJ Julia Mayo, St. Vincent's Hospital , New York, NY Vijayan Pillai , University of North Texas , Denton, TX Jerome Rabow , University of California at Los Angeles , Los Angeles, CA Mary Sengstock , Wayne State University , Detroit , MI Peter Stein, William Patterson College, Wayne, NJ Jean H. Thoresen, Eastern Connecticut State University , Williamantic, CT Lloyd Gordon Ward, Toronto , Canada 4 Book Review Editor: Harry Cohen Department of Sociology, Iowa State University , Ames, IA 50011; 515-294-6480 , USA 5 Teaching Notes Editor: Sarah C. Brabrant Department of Sociology , P.O. Box 40198, Universityof Southwest Louisiana, Lafayette, LA 70504; 318-235-7656 , USA - Editor: Susan Brown Eve Department of Sociology and Social Work, P.O. Box 13675, University of North Texas, Denton, TX 76203; telephone 817-565-2054; FAX 817-565-4663. Vice President for Publications and Consulting Editor: John Bruhn, Vice President of Academic Affairs and Research, University of Texas at El Paso, El Paso, TX 79968-0501; 915-747-5725. Associate Editor: John Glass 4242 Wilkinson Avenue, Studio City, CA 91604; 818-766-6381. The Clinical Sociology Review acknowledges with thanks the following special reviewers: Robert Anderson Sarah Brabant John Bruhn Mary Ann Campbell Elizabeth Clark Beverly CuthbertsonJohnson Thomas Everson Raymond A. Eve Jonathan A. Freedman Jan Fritz Hugh Floyd John E. Glass John F. Glass Douglas Gutknecht Tamara Ferguson Jan Fritz Edward W. Gondolf Claudia Grauf-Grounds J. Barry Gurdin David Kallen Ray Kirshak James a. Kitchens Richard Knudten Bonnie Lewis Richard Lusky Julia Mayo Linda Marshall Vijayan Pillai Phillip Robinette Mary Sengstock Peter Stein Kay Tiblier Diana Torrez Lloyd Gordon Ward W. David Watts The Clinical Sociology Review is published annually by the University of North Texas Press, in association with the Sociological Practice Association, a professional organization of clinical and applied sociologists. Abstracts of all articles appear in Sociological Abstracts and selected abstracts appear in Social Work Research and Abstracts. Clinical sociology is the creation of new systems as well as the intervention in existing systems for purposes of assessment and/or change. Clinical sociologists are humanistic scientists who are multi-disciplinary in approach. They engage in planned social change efforts by focusing on one system level (e.g., interpersonal small group, organization, community, international), but they do so from a sociological frame of reference. Clinical Sociology Review publishes articles, essays, and research reports concerned with clinical uses of sociological theory, findings or methods, which demonstrate how clinical practice at the individual, small group, large organization or social system level contributes to the development of theory, or how theory may be used to bring about change. Articles may also be oriented to the teaching of clinical sociology. Shorter articles discussing teaching techniques or practice concepts may be submitted to the Teaching Notes Section or Practice Notes Section. Manuscriptswill be reviewed both for merit and for relevance to the special interests of the Review. Full length manuscriptsshouldbe submitted to the Editor, Susan Brown Eve, Department of Sociology and Social Work, POB 13675, University of North Texas, Denton, TX 76203, (817)565 2054. Teaching Notes shouldbe submitted to the Teaching Notes Section Editor, Sarah Brabrant, Department of Sociology, POB 40198 University of Southwest Louisiana, LaFayette, LA 70504, (318) 235 7656. Practice Notes should be submitted to the new Practice Notes Section Editor, Ann Marie Ellis, Dept. of Sociology, Southwest Texas State University, San Marcos, TX 78666, (512) 245-2113. Manuscript submissions should follow the latest American Sociological Association style guidelines, including reference citation style, and should include an abstract. Suggested length for full length manuscripts is 20 pages double spaced, and for Teaching or Practice Notes, eight pages double spaced. There is a $15.00 processing fee which is waived for members of the Sociological Practice Association. Send four copies of the manuscript to the appropriate editor. Final copies of manuscripts should be sent on a 5%inch IBM compatible disk, either in ASCII or a standard word processor text, preferably WordPerfect. Books for consideration for review in the Clinical Sociology Review should be sent directly to the book review editor: Harry Cohen, Department of Sociology, Iowa State University, Ames, IA 50011, (515) 294-3591. Subscription inquiries shouldbe sent to the publisher: Universityof North Texas Press, Journals Division, P. O. Box 13856, Denton, TX 76203-3856. Membership and other inquiries about the Sociological Practice Association should be sent directly to the Treasurer: Mary Cay Sengstock, 21502 Wedgewood Ave., Grosse Point Woods, MI 48236, (313) 331 0453 or (313) 577-2287. Copyright © 1993 by the Sociological Practice Association. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission of the publisher. University of North Texas Press Denton, Texas Contents Editor's Preface About the Authors HISTORY OF CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY The Influence of Religion on the Chicago School of Sociology The Transfer of Work Experiences into Family Life: An Introductory Study of Workers in Self-Managed Work Teams Leslie Stanley-Stevens, Dale E. Yeatts and Mary Thibodeaux 76 BOOK REVIEWS You and Your Clients: A Guide to a More Successful Law Practice Through Behavior Management by Stanley S. Clawar and Children Held Hostage: Dealing with Programmed and Brainwashed Children by Stanley S. Clawar Gerald Home 200 Teenage Wasteland: Suburbia's Dead End Kids by Donna Gaines Suzanne M. Retzinger 202 The Social Costs of Genetic Welfare by Marque-Luisa Miringoff William D. Davis 204 Values in Health Care: Choices and Conflicts by John C. Bruhn and George Henderson and A Question of Values: Six Ways We Make the Personal Choices that Shape Our Lives by Hunter Lewis Katrina Johnson 208 How Different Religions View Death and Afterlife edited by Christopher Jay Johnson and Marsha McGee Timing the De-escalation of International Conflicts by Louis Kinsberg and Stuart J. Thorson C. Margaret Hall 210 Dennis Kaldenberg 211 Editor's Preface Susan Brown Eve University of North Texas The eleventh volume of Clinical Sociology Review marks the beginning of the second decade of the journal. This is the decade in which the membership of the Sociological Practice Association will face the challenge of what Phillip D. Robinette, Past President of the SPA, has called the organization's mid-life crisis (CSR, 1992). It is a time for the Association to reappraise its mission and set the course for the future. It is an exciting time for such a reappraisal, a time when national leaders are promising change that will re-emphasize the basic social institutions, especially family and community. These leaders are proposing to reassess the roles of federal, state and local governments in making policy and in the delivery of services. Functions best performed by the federal government, such as defense, health insurance and retirement security, will be retained by the federal government. It is proposed that other functions, such as education and crime control, be returned to lower levels of government that are closer to the people who will be affected most directly by these programs. State governments, local governments and neighborhoods are to be challenged to develop innovative solutions to their own problems. By definition, clinical sociologists are sociologists who work for change at the micro-, meso- and macro-levels of society. Clinical sociologists will have many opportunities to render service to state and local governments and agencies, and to community groups, as these groups strive to meet the new challenges. Armed with their theoretical and methodological skills, clinical sociologists can assist with the necessary needs assessments, organizational analysis, program planning, community organization, policy analysis, and evaluation,to buildprograms that work more effectively and efficiently. The contents of this issue of CSR provide varied examples of ways in which clinical sociologists might proceed to meet this challenge. The first article, "The Influence of Religion on the Chicago School of Sociology," by Luigi Tomasi, examines sociology's roots in religion and the influence the interest in religion had on the work of sociologists in the nation's first department of sociology. At a time when the nation is increasingly concerned with ethics, it seems appropriate to reconsider the values that have shaped our own discipline. The first three refereed articles in Volume 11 are concerned with family issues in clinical sociology. The family is the first and most important social institution we experience. A positively functioning family is the foundation of a positively functioning society. Clinical sociologists have made and continue to make many contributions to the development of the theories of family functioning, as well as to the development of practice modalities with families. The first paper in this section, "An Empirical Application of Interprofessional Consensus"by Stephanie Amedeo Marquez and John Gartrell, examines the issue of determining the validity of claims of child abuse. Based on their research using hospital records, the researchers recommend the use of an index of interprofessional consensus for improving the accuracy of the identification of cases of child abuse. In her article, "Successful Facilitation of a Children's Support Group When Conditions Are Less than Optimal," Sarah Brabant describes a support group for siblings who have experienced the death of a significant other. Beverley Cuthbertson-Johnson and Richard Gagan ("The Subjective Dimensions of a Bipolar Family Education/ Support Group: A Sociology of Emotions Approach") describe an education and support group for relatives and partners of individuals with bipolar manicdepression. The articles in the second section examine issues of concern to organizations. As children mature into adults, increasing amounts of time are spent in formal organizations. As the first article in this section illustrates, the functioning of these organizations affects us in profound and intimate ways. Leslie Stanley-Stevens, Dale E. Yeatts, and Mary Thibodeaux examine the positive effects of work experiences on families in their paper, "The Transfer of Work Experiences into Family Life: An Introductory Study of Workers in Self-Managed Work Teams." This article illustrates the effect that external social organizations can have on the effective functioning of the family.Russell J. Buento and C. Allen Haney examine the three stage approach used by the military to notify next-of-kin of the death of a relative in their article, "Dramaturgical Analysis of Military Death Notification." The last two articles focus on the roles for clinical sociology in the judicial system. In her article, "The Sociologist as Expert Witness," Jean H. Thoresen examines the way in which sociologists can influence the definition of law through testimony using their expertise and professional training. Harvey Moore and Jennifer Friedman argue for increased use of participant observation as an aid to attorneys during trial in their research based article, "Courtroom Observation and Applied Litigation Research: A Case History of Jury Decision Making." The final research article is an example of how clinical sociology can be used at the societal level, to examine a significant social issue and then recommend strategies for impacting that issue. In their article, "Government Sponsored Health Care: A Cluster Profile of Supporter and Nonsupporters," Bonnie L. Lewis andF. Dale Parent used cluster analysis to examine the characteristics of residents of Louisiana who did and did not support government involvement in health care. Based on their research, they suggested strategies that clinicalsociologist could use to change support, including using local data, using the media for presentation of factual information, and working with existing community organizations, especially those that are already mobilized to address the issue of concern. Strategies such as these could be used as importanttools by clinical sociologists as they work to guide this new decade of change in a positive direction. In this issue, the Teaching Notes Editor, Sarah Brabant, has again found two exceptional articles on techniques and methods for enhancing the teaching of clinical sociology. Social roles based on gender have been one of the areas of most significant social change in the past half century and a that change process that seems likely to continue. Martin Monto presents describes the use of a new sex role inventory to help students clarify their own conceptions of gender and to consider alternative conceptions. The article includes the items in the inventory, suggestions for its use, and an annotated bibliography of research on its use. Harry Cohen, in his article, "The Citicorp Interactive Work Ethic Game: Sociological Practice Use in the Classroom," presents a game strategy developed by a major U.S. corporation for teaching ethics that can be adapted to use in the sociology classroom. In the wake of so many political and corporate scandals, Americans are very concerned with ethics and clinical sociologists have an opportunityto take a lead in helping to shape the ethics of a new generation of business and political leaders. The Practice Notes Editor, Hugh Floyd, has found two diverse articles for this section. The first, "Women's Discussion Groups: Applications of Identity Empowerment Theory," by C. Margaret Hall, describes two women's empowerment discussion groups that she has facilitated over a five year period. In this article she suggests strategies that female sociologists can use to enhance the empowerment of other women. At the SPA meetings in Pittsburgh in 1992, I had an opportunity EDITOR'S PREFACE 11 to participate in a workshop in which Dr. Hall demonstrated her techniques, and I can testify that the process was personally very enlightening. Norman L. Friedman and Susan Schuller Friedman examine new roles for clinical sociologists in formal organizations in their article, "Diversity Management: An Emerging Employment/Consulting Opportunity for Sociological Practitioners." Harry Cohen has continued his splendid work as Book Review Editor. The books reviewed cover many of the same themes as the articles and notes. Gerald Home reviewed Stanley Clawar's book, You and Your Clients: A Guide to a More Successful Law Practice through Behavior Management, in which Dr. Clawar advises members of the legal profession how to use clinical sociology to enhance their practice. Two of the books deal with issues of childhood socialization, especially problems among teenagers. These two books are Stanley Clawar's Children Held Hostage: Dealing with Programmed and Brainwashed Kids, reviewed by Gerald Home, and Donna Games' Teenage Wasteland: Suburbia's Dead End Kids, reviewed by Suzanne M. Retzinger. Given the current national attention that our health care system in the United States is receiving, it is perhaps not surprising to find that three of nine books reviewed deal with health care issues. The first book examines The Social Costs of Genetic Welfare, authored by MarqueLuisa Miringoff, and reviewed by William D. Davis. The second book is Good Days, Bad Days: The Self in Chronic Illness and Time, written by Kathy Charmaz and reviewed by Brenda Silverman. Katrina Johnson reviews Values in Health Care: Choicesand Conflicts by John C. Bruhn and George Henderson, in which the authors examine values related to health, prevention, normalcy, religious beliefs and pain. The recurrent theme of values is raised again in Dr. Johnson's review of A Question of Values: Six Ways We Make the Personal Choices that Shape Our Lives by Hunter Lewis, and in C. Margaret Hall's review of How Different Religions View Death and Afterlife, edited by Christopher Jay Johnson and Marsha McGee. The book review section ends with Dennis Kaldenberg's review of Timing the De-escalation of International Conflicts by Louis Kinsberg and Stuart J. Thorson. I would especially like to thank the section Editors for their hard work this year. Teaching Notes, Practice Notes and the Book Reviews are exceptionally good. Also, I would like to thank John C. Bruhn, Vice President for Publications, for negotiating the SPA's contract to publish CSR with the University of North Texas Press. It was a long and tedious process but the result is one that will result in a better quality product for the SPA members. I would also like to thank Dr. James Ward Lee, Director of the Center for Texas Studies at the University of North Texas. Thanks are also due to the members of the Editorial Board for all their assistance. Thanks are especially due to all the reviewers who took time from their busy schedules to thoughtfully review manuscripts, who got their reviews in to the editor in a timely fashion, and who patiently re-reviewed manuscripts until the editorial process was complete. Anyjournal is only as good as the reviewers and we are very fortunate to have such exceptionally good ones. We also owe a big "merci beaucoup" to Veronique Ingman, of the University of North Texas, who has conscientiously and painstakingly translated the English abstracts into French for both Volume 10 and Volume 11. Finally, I would like to thank the University of North Texas for the continued generous financial support for CSR, as well as for the administrative support I have received which has allowed me to serve as Editor this year. Two people who have been especially supportive are Blaine A. Brownell, Provost and Vice President for Academic Affairs, and Daniel M. Johnson, Dean of the School of Community Service. I could not have produced the journal this year without the dedicated assistance of my Editorial Assistant, Kim Alexander; Leslie Burkett, who copy edited much of the material; Fonda Gaynier, in the Department of Sociology and Social Work who managed the accounts and kept me organized; and Betty Griese and her staff in the Computing Center, who did much of the word processing. About the Authors Sarah Brabrant is a professor of sociology at the University of Southwestern Louisiana and a Certified Clinical Sociologist. Her research interests center on social and cultural impacts with emphasis on strategies for intervention. She presently facilitates support groups for Lafayette CARES, the local AIDS support organization, and for Compassionate Friends, Arcadiana Chapter. Recent publications include the development of a sociological oriented analogy for grief counseling, AIDS grief counseling away from epicenters, grieving widows, and parental grief. Russell Buenteo received his master of arts degree from the University of Houston. He is currently pursuing his doctoral studies at Purdue University. He is a recipient of an American Sociological Association MinorityFellowship for 19921993. Harry Cohen lived the first twenty-three years of his life in urban Brooklyn, New York among diverse immigrant groups. He is now working at Iowa State University, Ames, where he brings interdisciplinary insights from philosophy, family and marital therapy, and psychiatry to the teaching of courses with clinical perspectives in social psychology and sociology of work. He is the author of Connections: Understanding Social Relationships which presents the clinical uses of sociological theoretical perspectives. Beverley Cuthbertson-Johnson received her doctorate in sociology from Arizona State University where she specialized in the Sociology of Emotions. She completed a two-year clinical sociology internship program in the Department of Psychiatry, St. Vincent's Hospital, New York City. She had considerable experience working with individuals with emotional problems and disorders. She has coled an outpatient group for individuals with bipolar affect disorder; she has also initiated and led an education/support group for the family members and significant others of individuals with bipolar disorder. In addition to a group clinical practice at Southwestern Desert Medical Center, Tempe, Arizona, Dr. Johnson also teaches marriage and family courses at Arizona State University, West. She is nationally certified clinical sociologist as well as an Arizona Certified Marriage and Family Therapist. Jennifer Friedman is an associate professor of sociology at the University of South Florida. Her research interests include deviance, family and research methods. Norman Friedman is professor of sociology at California State University, Los Angeles. He has published widely in periodicals and research annuals about work and occupations, ethnicity/religion, and popular culture. He is interested in sociological practice as an occupational movement and the relationship of sociological practice to other occupations. Susan Schuller Friedman is an assistant professor of sociology at California State University, Los Angeles. Her research interests are in sociology of aging, medical sociology, and the sociology of business and entrepreneurship. As a sociological practitioner, she has been involved in medical education consulting, evaluation research, and grants administration. Richard J. Gagan earned his Ph.D. in sociology from Cornell University in 1986. He is currently Coordinator of the Interdisciplinary Social Science Program at the University of South Florida in Tampa. His specific research interests focus on social networks and health. More broadly, he has written on social change in post-industrial society. His general interests are in bridging scientific and humanistic models, and quantitative and qualitativemethods. John Gartrell is a professor of sociology at the University of Alberta, Edmonton, Canada. Besides his interest in child abuse measurement and prevention, his research currently includes the study of health in native communities, nursing worklife, public perceptions of AIDS, the social context of recycling, and metamethods and positivism in sociology. C. Margaret Hall is a professor and former chair of the Department of Sociology at Georgetown University, Washington, D.C. She teaches service learning internship seminars, and has a private practice in individual and family therapy. Dr. Hall has organized women's empowerment discussion groups in the Washington metropolitan area for the last five years. Her research and publication focus on theory construction in clinical sociology. ABOUT THE AUTHORS 15 C. Allen Haney is a professor of sociology at the University of Houston and Director of the Medical Sociology Section. A Certified Clinical Sociologist, he has worked with various hospice groups for over a decade. He is currently a Visiting Professor at Rice University. Bonnie L. Lewis is an assistant professor of sociology at Southeastern Louisiana University. Her research interests lie in the areas of health care access, financing of health care and health policy. Stephanie Amedeo Marquez has a Ph.D. in sociology with a specialization in victimization from the University of New Mexico. From 1986 to 1988, she was involved with a National Institute of Mental Health research project investigating rape trauma in adult women in Hawaii. The self-report scale of trauma measure that the project developed will be included in the 1993 edition of Measures of Clinical Practice. From 19898 to 1990, she taught sociology at Central Michigan State University, and assisted an incest survivor's group and a battered women's shelter. Currently, in addition to teaching Women's Studies, Justice Studies and sociology at Arizona State University, she facilitates a group on campus for women sexual assault survivors. Martin A. Monto is currently an assistant professor at the University of Portland. Harvey A. Moore received his Ph.D. in sociology from Case Western Reserve University in 1972. He is currently President of Trial Practices, Inc., in Tampa, Florida. In the past, he has held positions as an associate professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of South Florida ( 1974-1991 ); Director of the University of South Florida Human Resources Institute (1979-1983); assistant to the President of USF (1992-84); and Deputy Director for Research at USF (198286). His areas of expertise include sociology of law, litigation consulting, jury behavior, venue decisions, community standards, survey research, and deviant behavior. Publications includenine books and 25 research articles, including Drug Use and Emergent Organizational Responses, University of Florida Press, 1977. F. Dale Parent is an associate professor of sociology at Southeastern Louisiana University. His research interests included the corporatization of the American health care system and rural health care. Leslie Stanley-Stevens is a Ph.D. student at the University of North Texas where she is a Teaching Fellow. She has worked as a research assistant for a project studying self-managed work teams for three years. She received her master's degree from Asbury Theological Seminary and her bachelor's degree from Texas Tech University. Mary S. Thibodeaux is an associate professor of business administration at the University of North Texas. She is currently researching, writing and consulting in the areas of multi-cultural diversity, self-directed work teams, and international affairs. She is active in the Academy of Management and its regional affiliates and is President -Elect of the International Academy of Business Disciplines. Jean H. Thoresen is professor of sociology and applied social relations at Eastern Connecticut State University, where she has taught since 1977. She received her J.D., magna cum laude, from Western New England College School of Law in 1989, and has presented papers and published in the area of family law since that time. Her other major research and teaching interests are in the areas of clinical sociology, qualitative methodology, children's rights, and lesbian culture and identity, particularly among adolescents. In addition to her scholarly activity, Dr. Thoresen is also the author os short stories and poems which have been published in journals devoted to gay women and family therapy. Luigi Tomasi is a member of the Department of Theory, History and Social Research at Trento University, Italy. He is the author of The Young People of Eastern and Western Europe: Values, Ideas and Prospects: 1991; The Contribution of Florian Znaniecki to Sociological Theory ( 1991 ); and Sociological Theory and Development: The Case of the Asiatic South-East ( 1991 ). He is Vice President of the European Centre for Traditional and Regional Cultures and President of the Cultural Association of Asiatic Studies. Dale E. Yeatts received his Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Virginia, and is currently an assistant professor of sociology with a joint appointment in the Department of Sociology and the Center for Studies in Aging at the University of North Texas. Dr. Yeatts was formerly employed as an evaluation consultant in Washington, D.C. Since coming to UNT, he has been Principal Investigator on a research project on self managed work teams in industry, funded by the Texas Advanced Research Program. The Influence of Religion on the Chicago School of Sociology Luigi Tomasi University of Trento ABSTRACT This paper concerns the influence of religion on the Chicago School of Sociology. After showing the marginal importance that religion had in early sociological American studies, this article takes issue with those interpretations that do not acknowledge that the Chicago School remained interested in the topic of religion even after it had freed itself of theological influence in order to concentrate more on solving the problems in America at that time. It is the author's opinion that the Chicago School promoted religious research not only during the time of Albion W. Small and Charles R. Henderson when theological interest was strong, but later too, when a number of studies concerning the problems of the city were written, as well as other studies that sought a greater understanding of the ethnic factor. The purpose of this paper is to try to interpret the role religion played in the various kinds of research produced by the Chicago sociologists during the golden age of the School. Introduction This paper sets out to explain how and why religion came to play such a prominent role at the Chicago School of Sociology. Althoughthe School's explicit interest in religious research was never articulated clearly, the topic of religion was present from the very beginning within a varied and eclectic orientation.1 The Chicago School (Bulmer, 1984; Deegan, 1988; Harvey, 1987; Smith, 1988), whose interests focused on different aspects of the institutions of the city, worked hard on the construction and the development of sociological theory (Tomasi, 1989a, 1989b). The different research methods used at Chicago— personal documents, social maps, ecological studies and the emphasis on field work—indirectly approached the theme of religion. The technique chosen by the sociologists—the social survey, considered appropriate for describing a given territory, institution, or problem—inevitably led to their involvement in religious themes, especially when they were dealing with questions concerning administrative efficiency or welfare legislation. And, in fact, the Chicago School's classic contribution to sociology lies in this precise context and in combination with a growing number of voluntary civil and welfare organizations which emerged in the period just before the First World War. After illustrating the partial importance that religion had in early sociological studies in America, this paper sets out to show its role in the sociological research promoted at Chicago, contesting interpretations that do not acknowledge that the Chicago School was responsible for promoting research on religion. 1. The Impact of Religion on the Early American Sociological Studies The social conditions prevailing in the United States of America at the end of the nineteenth century, particularly the problems caused by urbanization, industrialization, and immigration to American cities (Harvey, 1987, 109-124), prompted intellectuals to develop new interpretative approaches towards the understanding of society. This research, which tended to describe the formation of a "new social morality," closely involved people professing different religious faiths. Not by chance, many of the early sociology researchers were Protestant ministers. The poverty in the countryside and the squalor in the cities led to the creation of a collectivist and egalitarian movement which very soon undermined the Protestant ethic that had favored the "Natural Right" of powerful businesses in the states between 1860 and 1920 (Baltzell, 1964, 158). This new idea was spread across the United States by two movements: the "Settlement House" and the "Social Gospel," both originating in England where the "Christian Socialists," led by Charles Kingsley and Frederick Denison Maurice, were striving to reform the negative aspects of industrial capitalism (Baltzell, 1964). Settlement House started in England when a group of socialists founded "Toynbee Hall" in London in 1884. This inspired Jane Addams and Ellen Starr (Fritz, 1989, 78) to open "Hull House" in Chicago in 1889 (Addams, 1910), INFLUENCE OF RELIGION ON THE CHICAGO SCHOOL 19 followed by the famous "House of Henry Street," opened in New York in 1893 by Lillian Wald. The Social Gospel Movement (Hopkins, 1940; Morgan, 1969), whose ideas were based on the conviction that the salvation of a person's soul was useless without a parallel effort to christianize urban development, made a fundamental contribution towards maintaining the new theories of social change. The two main theorists of this movement were Washington Gladden, whose book Applied Christianity appeared in 1886, and Walter Rauschenbusch, author of the fundamental work, Christianity and the Social Crisis,published in 1907 (Goldman, 1956, 82-85). In the United States Protestant churches were receptive to the "New Social Gospel," especially the Episcopal church, which founded two religious reform bodies: "The Church Association for the Advancement of the Interests of Labor" (CAIL) and "The Christian Social Unit" (CSU). The former was founded by Father James S. Hutington in 1882 and the latter by Richard T. Ely in 1891. Parallel to the beginning of the Social Gospel, Settlement House, and the Political reform Movement was the emergence of the "New Social Science." Many of the early sociologists, for example, William Graham Sumner, were clergymen and were profoundly influenced by the philanthropic spirit of the age (Sumner, 1910). The alliance between Social Reform and New Social Science was clearly symbolized when the National Institute of Social Science awarded its gold medal to Lillian Wald in 1912. The relationship between the Social Gospel and the New Social Science was further strengthened with the foundation of the American Economic Association in 1885; Washington Gladden and another 22 ministers were the signatories of the association's charter (Baltzell, 1964, 157-158; May, 1949). The need to institutionalize the reform movement both by the state and by the church was the basic task of the New Social Science, as was clearly emphasized by William James and John Dewey for philosophy and psychology, Charles W. Beard and Frederick Jackson Turner for history, Thorstein Veblen for economics, Lester F. Ward and Charles H. Cooley for sociology, Oliver Wendell Holmes for law, and Franz Boas for anthropology. All of them were opposed to racism, social Darwinism, and determinism of a hereditary form, and believed in the ability of human nature to respond to new social conditions. Although Edward A. Ross was a popular sociologist of the time and Lester Ward was the first president of the American Sociological Society, it was Charles H. Cooley who exercised a decisive influence on sociology by being an outspoken critic of Social Darwinism and the theory of eugenics. DIVERSITY MANAGEMENT Book Reviews You and Your Clients: A Guide to a More Successful Law Practice Through Behavior Management, by Stanley S. Clawar. Chicago: American Bar Association, 1988. 88 pp. Children Held Hostage: Dealing with Programmed and Brainwashed Chil dren, by Stanley S. Clawar and Brynne V. Rivlin. Chicago: American Bar Association, 1991. 197 pp. Gerald Home University of California, Santa Barbara Stanley Clawar is a certified clinical sociologist, family mediator, and writer for popular and scholarly journals. He has participated as an expert witness and/or consultant in more than 1,000 cases involving domestic relations issues. His coauthor in the second work, Brynne Rivlin, is a licensed clinical social worker who also has been quite active in domestic relations cases; she has been a Senior Family Conciliator for the Superior Court of Los Angeles. These two works provide useful insights, helpful to lawyers and nonlawyers alike, in matters of general and specific interest. You and Your Clients is more relevant to the practicing lawyer, though social scientists can read it profitably. Fundamentally, Clawar examines how lawyers often function as social psychologists, whether they realize it or not; it is not unfair to say that many of the best attorneys are well-aware of this function. When you advise clients of their rights and options, for example, you are an advisor. When you explain the risks of a certain tax shelter or custody decision, you serve as educator, moving on to translator when you explain the legal terminology of a petition or pleading. A fourth function is negotiator, used in settlement talks or arbitrated disputes; contrasted by the traditional role of litigator, encompassing your court time as well as trial preparation, (p. vii) BOOK REVIEWS 201 What Clawar seeks to do in this book is provide some predictability as to how "clients feel and react in the legal setting," and in detailing this he provides insights that the social scientist will find illuminating (p. vii). He discusses the vulnerability and fear, the indecisiveness and mistrust, the avoidance, selective memory, fantasy, and hostility that often beset clients. More importantly, he provides useful tips for the practitioner on how to handle such dilemmas. His advice is so striking that a teacher, a physician, or anyone having to deal with students or patients or clients can glean nuggets of information. The same holds true for his discussion of how to deal with staff. He gives guidelines concerning what to look for when hiring a secretary, other employees, and associates. Some readers will find the author's pointers concerning how to collect promised fees from "nopayers" and "slowpayers" the most beneficial section. Nevertheless, despite the sterling qualities, the reader may close this book hungering for more. For example, even the most nontheoretical, practice-oriented lawyer may still desire some sort of overall perspective on this vast subject that the author's brief treatment does not provide. Dr. Clawar's exposition on the question of the forgetful client is of use, as noted, but there is little indication presented about what may motivate this syndrome or any indication that the author is familiar with the numerous lengthy treatises that have been penned on this crucial subject. Children Held Hostage is a disturbing book. Drawing upon their immense experience in domestic relations cases, the authors present disturbing examples of how a parent may seek to "brainwash" or "program" a child against a targeted parent in the context of a divorce, separation, or the like. A purpose of such tactics is to turn a child against the targeted parent for purposes of gaining custody or seeking revenge. With some clarity and passion the authors tell of how such practices not only can backfire against the manipulative parent, but also can exact enormous damage against the children involved. From the point of view of lawyers, this book provides further evidence that domestic relations can be one of the most dangerous and painful areas of practice. Of late a trend has developed of angry parents attacking physically the lawyers in domestic relations cases, and a number of deaths have resulted. Like You and Your Clients, this book is lightly footnoted, but that does not detract from the quite discerning treatment of the issues. Undoubtedly, one of the most controversial chapters in this book is the one entitled "The Female Factor: Why Women Programme More Than Men." They list a number of factors, including the subordinated economic role of women in this society that often makes 202 CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY REVIEW/1993 divorce more harmful to them, how society reinforces the idea that women gain identity from parenting and the related idea that the process of pregnancy gives women a closer connection to the child. Their clinical and research findings revealed that "between 4 to 85 percent of females compared with 2 to 25 percent of males were involved in programming/brainwashing of their own children. Furthermore, females were more likely to fit at the extreme end of the continuum in degree and type of programming/brainwashing" (p. 155). Though this is an extremely sensitive topic, the authors discuss it in a manner that most will find effective. But, again, this chapter and others as well would have benefitted from drawing upon other studies ranging far beyond the authors' "clinical and research findings." This is far from being a fatal flaw but it is a flaw nonetheless. Both of these books are well worth reading and make a signal contribution to clinical sociology. As one who has practiced law—including domestic relations law—I enjoyed both books immensely. Teenage Wasteland: Suburbia's Dead End Kids, by Donna Gaines. New York: Pantheon, 1991. 262 pp., $23 cloth. Suzanne M. Retzinger Superior Courts of California, Ventura County Teenage Wasteland is about teenage subcultures. The book begins with a suicide pact among four teenagers. Although it takes place in urban New Jersey, it could be Anyplace, USA: It is a social-psychological case study of teenage lives. Gaines shows how "young people are still the onlyminority without formal representation. .... [They] suffer more absolute structural regulation than anyone.... The larger societal system seems to set up to strip young people of their desire for self determination" (pp. 239–40). The book is written in an experiential,journalistic mode. A certain group of teenagers called "dropouts," "troubled losers," "druggies," and "burnouts" are labeled and stigmatized by the larger order. Gaines hung out with them, got their confidence, and went into their lives and into their heads to know their experience and what it feels like to carry these labels. She shows the social psychological structure of their lives, and the importance of context in understanding their experiences and feelings. She goes into their experience in a way that leaves the reader identifying with the loneliness and hopelessness of their worlds. BOOK REVIEWS 203 Reading Teenage Wasteland, one begins to identify with these teens on an emotional level; the alienation they feel is overwhelming, with no one to turn to who understands their experience. No one seems to even try to understand. The "burnouts" seeno future in what the world has to offer. This only touches the surface of their alienation, loneliness, and pain. This book is valuable for anyone who wants to get into the mind and experience of our youths: social workers, probation officers, teachers, counselors, parents, almost anyone. Reading this book allowed me to appreciate in a new way not only teenagers taking deviant paths, but all young people of the 80s. It is a different generation than my own, and on the surface seems different. These young people do not have the same future opportunities as teens from the 60s had; there are fewer and fewer directions for young people to go. These young people are living in a more alienated world and are more alienatedfrom the larger community—times are harder and chances for a better life have diminished. To outsiders they look "tough, scruffy, poor, wild. Uninvolved in and unimpressed by convention, they create an alternative world, a retreat, a refuge" (p. 9). When we get below the surface, we can all relate to the experience of these people; the underlying emotions are the same for all of us—shame, humiliation, and anger. Often "dropouts, losers," and so on are condemned for not wanting to read, for going through the motions of getting an education, for being apathetic, for taking an alternative route. Condemnation only increases the abyss. Hopelessness, anger, shame, and fear remain. For "burnouts" or gangs, alienation is the common bond—this is the way they survive the pain. But in some ways they are one step ahead of the adult world; at least they are aware of the alienation.They reject a dysfunctional society. Adults are simply alienated, and are oblivious to the lack of bonds; adults are frightened and annoyed by kids hanging out, by green hair and skin heads, earrings—without dealing with alienation or feelings. After reading Teenage Wasteland, you will not blame the teenagers for moving away from the mainstream. Many ask the question, "What is wrong with the burnouts, the dropouts, the druggies?" But we seldom ask what is wrong with the conformists who tolerate the alienation, who buy the world as it is and accept injustice—who become adults who perpetuate the system. "They can easily live in their own world, sleepwalking through stale family life, boring school, and bad jobs. The dullest, most apathetic students will come alive when left to their own devices" (p. 99). "Their way of fighting back is to kill themselves before everything 204 CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY REVIEW/1993 else does" (p. 103). Some of the young people do not buy the alienation of the adult world, but there is no one to turn to, nowhere to go, fewer resources. Viewing the anger and alienation of teenagers as simply a personal problem removes the event from the social context and insults the person further. Alienation continues. Gaines keeps the issue within its rightful context. What I was left with from Teenage Wasteland is a system of unacknowledged emotion which leads to blame: adults blame the kids who blame the adults who blame Heavy Metal, ad infinitum. I see a system where everyone is oppressed, some worse than others, some more aware than others. We are all in the boat together: our name is Alienation. The fundamental question that I went away with from this book is about alienation on all levels, within and between persons and groups: How do we communicate to bridge the gap? How do we manage our human bonds? Scheff and Retzinger, in Emotions and Violence: Shame and Rage in Destructive Conflicts ( 1991 ), discuss the nature of human bonds and how communication works to increase or decrease alienation. Braithwaite's Crime, Shame and Reintegration (1989), on reintegrative shame, may give law enforcement officers a new perspective on dealing with teenage subcultures in a way in which they will be heard. "The police would not release the suicide note . . . most young people watching thought this was the worst insult. Even in death, the parents won out. The dicks wouldn't even let them get their last word in. Denied to the bitter end" (p. 27). Alienation goes on, but it need not. The Social Costs of Genetic Welfare, by Marque-Luisa Miringoff. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1991. 210 pp. William D. Davis Coastal Carolina College Miringoff identifies an emerging viewpoint associated with genetic intervention and reproductive technological capacities in the medical arena and labels it "genetic welfare." For the most part, such gene tampering is viewed dysfunctionally. Disabilities will be identified and rectified before a person is born. The importance of the mother will be subordinated to the rights of the fetus. Biological determinism and eugenics once again become issues when the elite (physicians and scientists) make policy decisions as to who will and will not undergo genetic counseling and who will and will not benefit from genetic intervention. For those who do not—the poor, minorities, the disinherited—the old stigmas that the disabled have slowly been shedding may again be heaped upon them many-fold. BOOK REVIEWS 205 Although the author admits that a genetic welfare ideology is not yet pervasive in society, its seeds are sown and its possible future should frighten humanist sociologists. The book Should the Baby Live? by Helga Singer, Dobzhansky's cost analysis of genetic variants, and such possibilities as the invention of life via artificial insemination followed by its being aborted just to obtain fetal tissues for transplants provide examples used by Miringoff to demonstrate the increased acceptance of genetic welfare. There is a great indifference among the majority of us to this emerging world view, as we fail to see its social costs. The recent successes in destigmatizing genetically and environmentally produced deviants is threatened. Specialization routinizes these newly introduced technologies, thus isolating both the public and medical practitioners from the impact of this ideology. After discussing the increased stigmatization, powerlessness, and alienation of those deemed "unfit" by genetic welfare, Miringoff turns to the second concern of her book: public policy making. Drawing from specific examples wherein regulatory boards and the general public participated in defining, delimiting, and/or encouraging genetic research, the author recommends an approach that questions the issues of medical access and high technology. When there is input from outside the medical industry, there is hope that a balance can be struck between the values of science and public concerns. This book claims a social problems/social policy approach. Itcompartmentally by chapter appeals to labeling theory, Marxian theory, and a multitude of other quotable sources. There is no overarching viewpoint by which to fit the various chapters together. It is a warning as to what will occur if the author's view of genetic welfare becomes more pervasive. It is a worthwhile effort to raise our consciousness as past warnings concerning nuclear energy, creation of new species, global warming, etc. have done. It is yet to be proved whether Miringoff's assumptions are valid. There is no original data to test her "emergence" hypothesis that the public, medical practitioners, academicians, etc., really support this viewpoint. The outcry of today's pro- and anti-choice proponents suggest not. Have not historical overviews, structural theory, and Marxian sociology already predicted that social organization and ideology will be used primarily to the benefit of the rich? Genetic welfare may be more a product of supply and demand in a market system than some new emergent ideology. This book provokes the discussion of social problems, demonstrates its applications in policy making, but has not explained the structure of its evolution beyond an immediate present. It challenges the easy road: reductionism of disabilities to genes. It ignores an old sociological theory: cultural lag. 206 CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY REVIEW/1993 Good Days, Bad Days: The Self in Chronic Illness and Time, by Kathy Charmaz. New Brunswick, NJ: RutgersUniversityPress, 1991.311 pp., $24.95 cloth. ISBN 0-8135-1711-7. Brenda Silverman Syracuse, NY Kathy Charmaz provides the reader with a well-written, thorough, and complete rendition of the effects on the self of living with a chronic illness. We are led through the lives of 55 people who have chronic illnesses such as arthritis, diabetes, emphysema, Hodgkins' lymphoma,lupuserythematosus, multiplesclerosis, mixed connective tissue disease, renal failure, and many others. These diseases are characterized by periods of remission, when illness symptoms are quiescent and may not interfere with life and are not apparent to others, and exacerbation, when symptoms again demand attention and may leave the person incapacitated. The author states several goals. Shewants the reader to experience through her interpretive sociology the "private face of a public problem" (p. 4), what illness and disability mean to people who have a chronic disease. Further, she is interested in the concepts of time and self, how people define and experience time and self and how self changes because of illness. "Living with serious illness and disability can catapult people into a separate reality—with its own rules, rhythm, and tempo" (p. 4). The literature in the sociology of health and illness is rich with ethnographies, studies of emotions, and investigations into how medical students are socialized, and is characterized by an interactionist perspective in the tradition of Mead precisely because definitions of diseases and the meanings attached to illness are changeable. Charmaz states that she has gone beyond these prior works by focusing on the depth of the experiences portrayed, and on how the struggle for control over time and illness is a "struggle to control the defining images of self (p. viii). Charmaz presents a well-documented and insightful telling of her interviewees' stories following the Glaser and Strauss grounded theory method, which emphasizes refining and developing one's theoretical constructs from emergent categories. She not only conducted lengthy qualitativeinterviews once but reinterviewed half her subjects and then followed 16 of them for 5 to 11 years, acting in effect as a participant observer. She refers to her methodology as social constructionist and phenomenological. Given the elusive nature of self and time, and the inevitable change in her subjects over time because of the nature of their diseases, she is able by reinterviewing to demonstrate how people construct and reconstruct their identities. BOOK REVIEWS 207 The book is broken into three major sections plus an introduction, epilogue, methodological appendix, notes, and glossary of medical conditions. Part I focuses on "Experiencing Chronic Illness," including illness as interruption, intrusive illness, and immersion in illness. Each chapter is presented as a series of categories which can have subcategories. For example, in Chapter 2, "Chronic Illness as Interruption," she lists and illustrates from her interviews four ways in which a person might define illness as interruption. She then introduces the experience of time as elusive time, waiting time, or crisis time. For example, someone who believes illness will be temporary will experience waiting for recovery. In Chapter 4, "Immersion in Illness," time is categorized as unchanging time, dragging and drifting time, and immersion time in retrospect. Part II deals with the practical problems of living with chronic illness. The chapter "Disclosing Illness" illustrates the many dilemmas disclosure can present with regard to employment, spouses, and other family members. Two categories, for example, which she examines in the chapter "Living with Chronic Illness" are simplifying life and reordering time and scheduling. Part III contains four chapters: "Time Perspectives and Time Structures," "Timemakers and Turning Points," "The Self in Time," and "Lessons from the Experience of Illness." The first two of these chapters focus on such issues as living one day at a time, mapping a future, creating a chronology of one's illness, finding positive events, and looking at past selves and past emotions. Finally the book culminates with looking at the self in the past, present, and future. The last chapter is a brief excursion into social policy. Although very well written, this book felt a bit tedious. Each category and subcategory is well-illustrated, but at times I felt as if I were reading only strings of excerpts from people's lives. Stylistic points aside, Charmaz does not define social policy implications. Only four pages are devoted to this very large topic, which is far more complicated than she indicates. She essentially calls for the health care system to provide more services. She does "grant" that some hospitals mightoffer a rehabilitation program, but she glosses over that. At a time when the health care system is itself in a deep crisis, suggesting that more services be offered is not practical and, worse, trivializes the rest of her message. A challenge for Charmaz or other researchers in health care would be to document the many programs which do exist to support patients and to show their strengths and deficiencies for supporting a positive view of self. Also, how might Medicare and Medicaid be restructured to emphasize prevention, wellness, and positive views of self for the chronically ill which might have the spin-off of reducing health care costs? 208 CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY REVIEW/1993 A Question of Values: Six Ways We Make the Personal Choices that Shape our Lives, by Lewis Hunter. Scranton PA: Harper Scott Foresman, 1991. $9.95 ISBN 0-06-2505327. Katrina W. Johnson, PhD Behavior and Social Research National Institute on Aging At first, sharing a term in the title appears to be the major commonality of these two very different books. A Questions of Values is in the mode of self-help and personal exploration with an easy-going style; Values in Health Care is decidedly academic and text-bookish. But a closer look finds more similarities such as a penchant for "say what you want to say, say it, and say what you said." On a more meaningful level, both have potential relevance for applied sociologists willing to pick and choose from the two different styles in order to answer practical questions. In A Question of Values, the author's approach is appealing for a wide range of readers (with endorsement by Scott Peck) as it defines six basic types of value systems: authority, logic, sense experience, emotion, intuition, and "science" (quotation marks are those of Lewis). Each source of values and personal choices gets a chapter. Case studies of how well-known individuals (Barth, Einstein, Gandhi, Meir) have exemplified or combined a value system is helpful in modeling an analysis of values as played out in writing and action. The chapter on values in the classroom (all levels of moral education) is used as an example of how Lewis's paradigm can be applied to social issues. A "How to Read this Book" section is a useful way for readers to sample the issues without becoming bogged down in a search through the Index for a unified topic. There is a certain amount of sciencebashing in which the author is heavy on psychological systems of authority. Sociologists will note that "scientific" attention to the larger perspective, as opposed to individually-based disciplines like psychology, is called "socio-demoanthro-eco-techno model building" (no citation). Luckily, this discussion is brief. For sociologists in a practice setting, introspection on personal values may clarify an individual practitioner's approach to applied problem-solving while the BOOK REVIEWS 209 use of value clarification to examine social issues also has relevance for academic sociology. In contrast to Lewis'sbreadth and breeziness, Bruhn and Henderson are highly focused on values related to health care and the book is written specifically for teaching health care professionals. A sense of urgency pervades the well-documented chapters, evoking for values an importance to equal or rival the clinical chorus and treatment plans which dominate medical training. The chapters are carefully crafted in parallel presentations so that values related to health, prevention, normalcy, religious beliefs, pain, and choices each begins with a witty quotation, marches through definitions, classical references and scientific studies, current issues, and professional implications. Each chapter concludes with numerous and rich medical references and a list of suggested further reading. The chapter on pain and suffering carries a message of concern for patients as more than cases, using both scientific data and the popular press as justification. Despite—or because of—the medical school orientation, the book does not idealize physicians or glorify new technologies. For example, although the treatment of health and religious values too-glibly summarizes American ethnic minority populations, it also urges respect for traditional beliefs and points out the pitfalls of ignoring ethnic differences in every-day medical care. "Healing" as a value, however, is carefully separated from "helping" in the medical model tradition of physicians as distinct from others. Appendices, which include documents from the Hippocratic oath to Roe vs. Wade are themselves a fascinating revelation of contemporary medical practices and how a profession defines itself. A sociological distinction between sociology "in" and sociology "of medicine can be seen in the chapters discussing real-life choices related to truth-telling to patients, health promotion and in the numerous times abortion, AIDs, and the "right to die" are examined. The weakness of such a densely written volume is that the reader is buffeted by an almost forced attention to "on the one hand..., and on the other—" The authors' own values and opinions are reserved for exhortations on professional integrity rather than issues. It is undoubtedly my trainingin academic and practice sociology that leads me to read these books looking for sociological applications (are we desperate?). None of the authors would accept the idea of a "value-free" science although they struggle objectively to identify assumptions that influence choices both scientific and personal. In that mode, the contribution of these works is not so much in exposure 210 CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY REVIEW/1993 to the possibility of narrow and rigid opinions that will result in unexamined choices (we already know that) but in the "value" of solving problems through an analysis that finds solutions from equally-weighted different approaches. My advice? Grab Lewis for the next plane trip and keep Bruhn and Henderson with its rich references on a nearby shelf! How Different Religions View Death and Afterlife, edited by Christopher Jay Johnson and Marsha G. McGee. Philadelphia: The Charles Press, 1991. 352 pp., $14.95 paper. ISBN 0-914783-55-6. C. Margaret Hall Georgetown University This is a compendium of specialist surveys of varied religions—Assemblies of God, Baha'i, Baptist, Buddhist, Churches of Christ, Mormon, Hindu, Islam, Judaism, Lutheran, Presbyterian, Roman Catholic, Seventh-day Adventist, Unitarian, and Methodist—with attention to their perspectives on death. The editors describe their analytic interests in an introduction and conclusion. The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data show that How Different Religions View Death and Afterlife is a reprint of Encounters with Eternity (1986). As a consequence, this book is not as clearly focused as its title suggests. Although each religion needs general description, in order to put views on death in perspective, the end result is encyclopedic rather than thematic. The arrangement of chapters also detracts from the central topic of contrasting beliefs. The editors describe their selected religions as falling into three groups— "America's most heavily populated organized Christian denominations; smaller but rapidly growing or sociologically and theologically interesting Christian groups; and the largest non-Christian denominations represented in American society" (p. 12)—but arrange their chapters in alphabetical order. Although objective, systematic orderliness may enhance quick-and-easy reference usefulness, it offers no substantive guide to readers. This book would have been more comprehensible if the editors had grouped religions according to similarities or contrasts in belief and practices, or had placed their chapters in thematic sections with formal introductions. How Different Religions View Death and Afterlife could be used as a resource text for undergraduate, graduate, or professional courses which examine the influence of religious beliefs on qualities of life and death. However, in spite of its BOOK REVIEWS 211 scope of study, and the inferences that clinical sociologists and sociological practitioners could make about specific religions and behavior, this book is essentially catalogued information.More substantive analysis by the editors (and others) is badly needed, and the introduction and conclusion are too sparse to give readers a firm grasp of issues raised. The appendix—key questions about death and afterlife, with answers from all fifteen religions—moves toward accomplishing the task, but an appendix cannot substitute for direct analysis and discussion. The quality of specialist contributions is uneven, and their varied formats distract rather than aid the absorption of complex data. Although brevity is necessary and appropriate for analytic purposes, some distinctions must be maintained. For example, the editors note that a Reform perspective is used in the review of Judaism, but this author does not comment about substantive differences among Orthodox, Conservative, and Reform Jews, or identify himself with Reform Judaism. In addition, the editors should have assumed responsibility for the consistent use of inclusive language. How Different Religions View Death and Afterlife provides some valuable information for making connections between beliefs and behavior, and may meet the editors' stated purpose of broadening readers' understanding and empathy by clarifying their own religious views. As religion is a significant clinical variable— at individual, family,community,and social levels—sociological practitioners can benefit from the substance of this book. Timing the De-escalation of International Conflicts, by Louis Kriesberg and Stuart J. Thorson. Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 1991. 304 pp. Dennis O. Kaldenberg Oregon State University The ancient aphorism reminds us that "To everything there is a season and a time to every purpose under the heaven." Appliedto conflict resolution,it would suggest that there is a time to intervene in a conflict and a time to refrain from intervening. "This book offers assessments of when the time is actually right for a de-escalatory effort" (p. 1). The authors use an introduction and eleven major essays to speak to the issue of timing in international conflict de-escalation. The articles in the book were chosen to address three sets of issues in timing de-escalation: 1)the conditions conducive to de-escalation, 2) the effectiveness of various strategies in various conditions, and 3) the consequences of acting or failing to act at either the 212 CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY REVIEW/1993 appropriate or inappropriate time. Separate sections of the book are organized to address the first two of these issues; the third issue is discussed in readings throughout the book. Part One of the book includes a collection of essays which address the issue of conditions conducive to de-escalation. The first chapter, by Terrence Hopmann, examines the role of external events in the negotiations to improve relations between countries that are in conflict. His review of empirical studies and cases concludes with specific, practical, policy-oriented suggestions for those doing negotiations within the context of the international environment. Indar Jit Rikhye writes a chapter on the types of conflict conditions that warrant involvement by the United Nations secretary general, and the role that the secretary should play once involved. Richard Haass examines the intrinsic and extrinsic conditions that led to a "ripe time" for cold war de-escalatory efforts. His chapter examines successful INF reduction negotiations between the United States and Soviet Union. Also addressing the issue of conditions, Jo Husband's chapter attempts to classify ways in which domestic factors affected timing and opportunities for efforts to reduce conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union. Part Two of the book examines the issue of strategies for de-escalation. The first chapter in this part is an attempt to develop a theory of de-escalation which focuses on the way adversaries define their relationship to each other. In it, Roger Hurwitz points to the importance of relationship redefinition in successful deescalatory efforts. The following chapter by I. William Zartman and Johannes Aurik examines the role that positive and negative power (promises and threats, respectively) play in de-escalation. Juergen Dedring's chapter on superpower strategies in the efforts to terminate the war in Beruit illustrateshow de-escalation can be undermined by failing to include all of the primaryparties (Israel in this case) in the de-escalation efforts, failing to synchronize timing of the actors who could effect the de-escalation efforts, and failing to match strategy to prevailing conditions. Two-track diplomacy, nongovernmental, informal and unofficial negotiations between parties from different countries is examined in a chapter by John McDonald. Two-track efforts are most likely to be used by parties who feel their interests are not being addressed in formal/official negotiation efforts. Such twotrack systems are illustrated by the negotiations between scientists from different countries, or between business representatives and countries' representatives (for example, Armand Hammer and the Soviets) or participation in citizen exchange programs. Such multiple track programs are effective not only because they serve to generate dialogue between groups at conflict, but also because they destroy the BOOK REVIEWS 213 need for an enemy among selected consistent groups from both countries. Ralph Earle discusses the role that private negotiations (those done outside the purview of official government-to-government negotiations) can have in the de-escalation efforts. While such efforts often may help the movement toward de-escalation, they may not be entirely successful at reducing or resolving a conflict. If such efforts are made, they are best limited to minor disputes, undertaken by individuals with the facts necessary to negotiate effectively, and done with the approval and coordination of official parties. The two chapters of Part Three provide closure on the many topics and perspectives discussed in previous chapters of the book. Jeffrey Z. Rubin emphasizes that the time is ripe to begin a systematic study of the role of timing in conflict resolution which moves beyond abstract, subjective assessments. The final chapter, by James P. Bennett, Goodwin Cooke, and Stuart J. Thorson, points to the importance of integrating theory and practice. One important application of theory to practice is in providing assistance, guidelines, and norms to the people who are doing the negotiations. Although contextual factors make direct applications from the past difficult, there still is something to be learned from the quote by George Santayana: "Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it." The collection of essays in this book provides detailed historical examples combined with scientific generalizations on the issue of conflict resolution between nations at conflict. It illustrates that while conflict de-escalation can benefit from systematic scientific study, it cannot be completely understood without reference to the values of parties involved in the conflict de-escalation effort. This book on the role of timing and its relationship to conditions and strategies in de-escalation is a valuable contribution to theory on conflict resolution. Although aimed specifically at de-escalation of international conflicts, the generalizations about timing and intervention in the conflict process will be valuable to clinical and applied sociologists who deal with efforts to reduce conflict between other parties (individuals, groups, organizations, families). Resumes en francais L'influence de la religion sur l'Ecole de Sociologie de Chicago Luigi Tomasi Get expose traite de l'influence de la religion sur 1'Ecole de Sociologie de Chicago. Dans un premier temps, 1'auteurinsiste sur le role marginal que la religion a joue dans les premieres etudes americaines de sociologie. L'auteur, par la suite, critique certaines interpretations qui tendent a passer sous silence le fait que 1'Ecole de Chicago a continue a s'interesser a la question de la religion meme apres s'etre liberee de l'influence theologique, afin d'etre en mesure de mieux se pencher sur les problemes qui, a 1'epoque, se posaient en Amdrique. Selon 1'auteur, 1'Ecole de Chicago aurait encourage la recherche dans le domaine de la religion, non seulement a 1'epoque d'Albion W. Small et de Charles R. Henderson, epoque a laquelle 1'interet en matiere de theologie etait tres prononce, mais egalement plus tard, lorsque plusieurs etudes relatives aux problemes de la ville de Chicago furent realisees. Des etudes supplementaires visant a une meilleure comprehension du facteur ethnique furent egalement effectuees a cette epoque. Le but du present article est d'essayer de definir le role que la religion a joue dans les differentes recherches realisees par les sociologues a Page d'or de ladite Ecole. Une application empirique du consensus interprofessionnel Stephanie Amedeo Marquez et John Gartrell L'etablissement de la veracite en ce qui concerne 1'incidence croissante d'enfants maltraites pose un probleme aussi bien aux sociologues qu'aux professioneelsd' organismes divers. Deplus,ceci represente egalement un probleme pour toute etude dependant de la validite et la fiabilite des comptes-rendus d' incidents, en particulier en ce qui concerne la selection d' echantillons ou celle de sujets. Cette etude a pour but de tester la theorie de consensus interprofessionnel en ce qui concerne le mauvais traitement des enfants, a partir de rapports trouves dans des fiches d'hopital. La moyenne de conformite(consensus interpersonnel) de 1O rapports professionnels differents est tres elevee (elle a ete etablie au moyen d'une analyse de correlation). Deux dimensions specifiques influencent le consensus. L'un des facteurs traite de la difference dans la maniere dont les organismessociaux ou legaux determinent les mauvais traitements. Malgre le groupement de ces organismes en entiles distinctes, aucunedifference notoire entre les organismes n'a ete relevee. Les criteres de determination qui sont communs aux deux groupes d'organismes incluent la maladie mentaleet Tabusde medicaments chez le pere ou la mere. L'utilisation de la theorie de consensus interprofessionnel fournit ainsi aux chercheurs et aux sociologues praticiens un index utile qui leur facilitera 1'identification plus precise de cas ou d'echantillons en vue d'une etude ulterieure. Sarah Brabant Dans cette etude, il s'agit d'un groupe d'enfants, issus de la meme famille,qui s'organisent pour s'aider reciproquement. D'apres 1'auteur, le groupe prospere depuis trois ans. Le cadre, sobre, se compose au plus d'une table et de quelques chaises. L'espace de rangement se limite a un tiroir dans un classeur. Les enfants ont entre trois et vingt ans. Quelques-uns des participants assistent a une seule reunion; d'autres, au contraire, y assistent regulierement. Malgre la difference d'age des enfants, le manque de stabilitedu groupe, un amenagementprecaire et un cadre restreint, le programme reussit. Les hypotheses fondamentales,les objectifs, les techniques, ainsi que les ressources necessaires au fonctionnement du projet sont presentes dans cet expose; les problemes fondamentaux y sont debattus. 216 CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY REVIEW/1993 La dimension subjective des groupes educatifs de soutien crees pour les families dont certains membres sont atteints de psychose maniaque depressive bipolaire. Beverley A. Cuthbertson et Richard J. Gagan Cet expose traite des emotions prevalentes ressenties par les membres d'un groupe forme dans le but d'eduquer et d'aider les familles et les partenaires d'individus souffrant de psychose maniaque depressive bipolaire. Les auteurs cherchent a identifier les caracteristiques des Emotions ressenties. Ils tentent egalement de definir les contextes de situation, de definition et de comportement qui ont suscite soit des emotions particulieres, soit des combinaisons demotions. L'etude examine egalement la facon dont certaines emotions sont ressenties, interpretees, exprimees et confrontees. Une importanceparticuliere est accordee a l'incertitude emotionnelle, a l'erosion des emotions positives par les Emotions negatives et aux impasses emotionnelles. L'article esquisse aussi le contexte educatif de soutien et les processus divers permettant aux membres du groupe de normaliser, modifier,ou reduire certaines Emotions particulierement angoissantes, tout en essayant d'encourager ou de renforcer les emotions positives. La maniere dont les experiences au travail influent sur la vie familiale: une etude preliminiare d'ouvriers dans des equipes de travail autogerees Leslie Stanley-Stevens, Dale E. Yeatts et MaryThibodeaux Dans cet article, les auteurs decriventles effets que 1'aptitude au travail exerce sur la vie familiale.Les auteurs se sont servis des donnees d'une enquete provenant d'une etude en cours dans 1'une des usines Boeing. Les correlations se sont averees fortement positives. Des etudes anterieures qui avaient fait ressortir la correlation entre un chef pret a soutenir ses ouvriers, d'une part, et les rapports harmonieux au sein de la famille, d'autre part, ont ainsi ete validees. De plus, le concept "d'isomorphisme", c'est-a-dire, le concept de la similarite entre le comportement au travail et le comportementchez soi, a egalement ete confirme. Selon les auteurs, les differences de sexe relevees au cours de recherches anterieures n'ont pas ete confirmees dans la presente etude. RESUMES EN FRANCAIS 217 Notification du deces d'un miltaire: une analyse dramaturgique Russell J. Buento et C. Allen Haney Le processus de notification du deces d'un militaire sert a expliquer les interactions entre les membres de la famille proche et les personnes notifiees. Cette etude presente une analyse dramaturgique du processus en question. L'utilisation d'accessoires divers ainsi que les performances des acteurs dans ce cadre y sont discutees afin detrouver une explication organisationnelle des contraintes auxquelles la famille proche est sujette. L'article tente egalement d'expliquer les attentes et les anticipations des membres de la famille du defunt lorsque cette derniere previent d'autres personnes d'un deces survenu. Le sociologue dans le role de 1'expert cite comme temoin Jean H. Thoresen Le role de 1'expert cite comme temoin dans les debats au tribunal constitue une partie importante du systeme judiciaire americain. En augmentantleur disponibilite ainsi que leur participation aux procedures legates, les sociologues sont a meme de faire des contributions non negligeables a 1'evolution du Droit en tantqu'institution. L'une des facons d'accomplir ceci est de servir en qualite d'expert cite comme temoin. Au tribunal, 1'expert cite comme temoin peut parvenir a faire ce dont nul autre temoin ne serait capable: il peut emettre des opinions et proposer des conclusions fondees uniquement sur sa formation et ses connaissances techniques. Cela lui permet de jouer un role particulier et lui fournit 1'occasion de definir certains domaines de la loi, comme par exemple, ce qui constitue une famille, comment proteger les "meilleurs interets de Penfant" quand il s'agit de determiner a qui incombera la garde de ce dernier, ou encore, dans quelles circonstances 1' incarceration ou le placement en institution paraissentindiques. Pour etre competent dans ce role, il est necessaire que les sociologues comprennent 1) ce que les tribunaux recherchent dans 1'expert cite comme temoin,2) les limites des procedures legales, et 3) la meilleure maniere de temoigner. Deux roles supplementaires que les sociologues peuvent assumer sont: a) le role d'"expert conseiller" aupres des avocats en ce qui concerne la preparation des dossiers judiciaires, et b) le role d'adjoint des magistrals ou le sociologue fait fonction de praticien de d'enqueteur 218 CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY REVIEW/1993 aupres des tribunaux. Le point de vue sociologique peut faire d'importantes contributions dans ce domaine-la. Pour les sociologues desireux d'etendre leur champ d'influence au-dela de la salle de classe, le role d'expert cite comme temoin peut etre a la fois interessant et approprie. L'observation au tribunal et la recherche appliquee sur les litiges: les origines de la prise de decisions par les membres d'un jury Harvey A. Moore et Jennifer Friedman La recherche quantitative a domine la recherche appliquee sur les litiges. Cependant il semble que 1'une de ses lacunes principales est le manque de souplesse necessaire servant a relier les recherches effectuees anterieurement a un proces aux evenements ayant lieu au tribunal. Les observations faites par le participant constituent le point de depart d'une methodologie qui semble mieux adaptee a 1'etude de la dynamique du milieu dans lequel se derpule le proces. Un proces civil, d'une duree de sixjours, sert a evaluer les comptes rendus d'observations faites par le participant au cours du proces. Par la suite, ces observations sont a la fois comparees a 1'analyse des donnees recueillies avant le proces ainsi qu'aux simulations de ce dernier. Le but de cet article est de demontrer la maniere dont differeites approches convergent dans un cadre de reference qui reflete le verdict prononce a l'issue du proces. Le systeme de la sante publique: un profil des "sous-groupes" de ses defenseurs et de ses detracteurs Bonnie L. Lewis et F. Dale Parent Bien que nous disposions d'un bon nombre de donnees sur 1'insatisfaction que nous eprouvons a l'egard de notre systeme de sante actuel, il est evident que nous manquons d'analyses detaillees surles attitudes des individus susceptibles d'appuyer ou de rejeter ce systeme. Cet etat de choses prend de plus en plus d'importance a mesure que les debats sur la politique de la sante sont centres sur une mise en cause de la viabilite du systeme actuel, d'une part, et des modifications possibles de ce systeme, d'autre part. Les auteurs de cette etude se proposent de degager le profil RESUMES EN FRANCAIS 219 des personnes en faveur et de celles qui se prononcent centre un systeme de sante public pour la population entiere. A cette fin, les auteurs utilisent des methodes d'analyse de "sous-groupes" a partir de donnees recoltees lors d'une enquete relative a 1'opinion publique chez des habitants de la Louisiane. Ces profits sont ensuite utilises pour mettre au point les strategies appropriees a 1'usage des sociologues afin de permettre a ces derniers d'influencer la politique de la sante. Une partie importantede la litteraturesur les attitudesde la population a Fegard des depenses pour les services publics a etc confirmee par les analyses a facteurs multiples utilises par 1'auteur. Cependant 1'analyse de "sous-groupes" a permis de mettre en relief les divergences d'opinions. Bien souvent des rapports plutot faibles ont tendance a etre faussement categorises. C'est en essayant de degager ces profils que 1'analyse de "sous-groupes" nous permet de capter la diversite dans toute son ampleur. La presence de sous-groupes precis de defenseurs et de detracteurs peut ainsi etre etablie. Mais ce qu'il faut surtout retenir ici, c'est qu'il existe plus de similarite que de difference entre defenseurs et detracteurs. Un exercice sur 1'orientation de sexe, realist en salle de classe: 1'inventaire BEM concernant le role des sexes Martin A. Monto Cet expose decrit un exercice effectue en salle de classe, au cours duquel les etudiants sont inities aux divers aspects de leur propre orientation en ce qui concerne le role des sexes. Les etudiants sont censes completer 1'inventaire BEM sur le role des sexes. Cet exercice represente 1'une des manieres dont les themes de la sociologie "clinique" peuvent contribuer a 1'enseignement de cours supplementaires de sociologie. L'exercice en question est a la fois 1) interventionniste, 2) pluridisciplinaire, 3) d'orientation humanitaire et 4), holistique. L'exercice met en relief les diverses possibilites susceptibles de mener a d'autres conceptions du sexe, sans pour autant, renforcer les cliches traditionnels. Le but de cet article est de presenter 1'inventaire BEM, de decrire son application en salle de classe, et egalement de fournir des idees quant a 1'incorporation de cet exercice a divers cours de sociologie. Une bibliographic annotee concernant les recherches les plus pertinentes dans ce domaine est jointe a 1'article. L'article a etc concu de maniere a fournir un instrument pratique aux enseignants afin de permettre a ces derniers, d'une part, d'incorporer cet exercice dans leurs propres cours, c'est-a-dire, ceux qu'ils ont corpus eux-memes et, d'autre part, d'integrer les themes de la sociologie "clinique" aux autres cours de sociologie qu'ils enseignent. Citicorp a developpe un programme de formation des employes sur le sujet de 1'ethique professionnelle. Ce programme est presente sous forme de jeu. Citicorp a fourni le jeu ainsi que les manuels a 1'usage d'etudiants inscrits a des cours de sociologie. L'auteur de cet article enseigne lui-meme ces cours. L'article decrit ce jeu et son objectif, la matiere couverte dans le jeu, la maniere dont ce dernier a ete concuet valide, ainsi que son adaptation a des cours universitaires. L'auteur decrit egalement un probleme d'importance majeure,et apparemment d'ordre moral, qui existe chez Citicorp. Quand des barrieres psychodynamiques et sociales entravent 1'acte moral, certaines limites s'imposent quant a 1'enseignement du code de 1'ethique. Par exemple, suite au scandale qui a eu lieu chez Citicorp, 1'integration de l'enseignement de 1'ethiquedans les cours de sociologie s'est avere plusmalaise. La gestion de la diversite: pour les sociologues, un domaine qui offre des perspectives d'emploi et de conseil Norman L. Friedman et Susan Schuller Friedman Hanamura , S. ( 1989 ). Working with people who are different . Training and Development Journal , 43 , 110 - 114 . Johnston , W. B. , & Packer , A. H. ( 1987 ). Workforce 2000: Work and workersfor the twenty-first century . Indianapolis: Hudson Institute. Kutscher , R. E. ( 1991 ). New BLS projections: Findings and implications . Monthly Labor Review , 114 , 12 . Lawlor , J. ( 1992 , April 24). Diversity provides rewards . USA Today , p. 2B . Lewis , R. ( 1992 ). Gerontologists find a new home in the executive suite . AARP Bulletin , 33 , 1 , 16 . Loden , M. , & Rosener , J. B. (Eds). ( 1991 ). Workforce America! Managing employee diversity as a vital resource . Homewood , IL: Business One Irwin. Mabry , M. ( 1990 ). Past tokenism . Newsweek , 115 , 37 - 38 , 43 . Seal , K. ( 1991 , August 15 ). Know thy neighbor . American Way , pp. 34 - 37 . Thomas , R. R. , Jr . ( 1991 ). Beyond race and gender: Unleashing the power of your total workforce by managing diversity . New York: American Management Association. White , J. P. ( 1992 , August 9). Diversity's champion . Los Angeles Times Magazine, pp. 14 - 18 , 38 - 43 . Wolford , T. E. ( 1991 , June). Breaking the mold . Hispanic , pp. 18 - 24 . Values in Health Care: Choices and Conflicts, by John Bruhn and George Henderson . Springfield, Ill.: C.C. Thomas, 1992 . pp. 424 $ 59 .75. ISBN 0-398057419.

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