Time flies when we read taboo words
JASON TIPPLES
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University of Hull
, Hull,
England
Does time fly or stand still when one is reading highly arousing words? A temporal bisection task was used to test the effects of sexual taboo words on time perception. Forty participants judged the duration of sexual taboo, high-arousal negative, high-arousal positive, low-arousal negative, low-arousal positive, and category-related neutral words. The results support the hypothesis that sexual taboo stimuli receive more attention and reduce the perceived time that has passed (time flies)the duration of high sexual taboo words was underestimated for taboo-word stimuli relative to all other word types. The findings are discussed in the context of internal clock theories of time perception.
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Emotion can affect our experience of time in different
ways, determining whether we describe a passage of time
as standing still or flying by. Research has shown that,
when attention is diverted from the process of time
keeping, the duration of events is experienced as lasting less
time (i.e., time flies; see, e.g., Zakay & Fallach, 1984).
Given that emotional stimuli can receive more attention
(e.g., MacKay & Ahmetzanov, 2005; Schimmack, 2005;
Tipples & Sharma, 2000), it is somewhat surprising that a
number of recent studies (Droit-Volet, Brunot, &
Niedenthal, 2004; Effron, Niedenthal, Gil, & Droit-Volet, 2006;
Gil, Niedenthal, & Droit-Volet, 2007; Mondillon,
Niedenthal, Gil, & Droit-Volet, 2007; Tipples, 2008) have shown
that individuals perceive the duration of facial expressions
of emotion as lasting longer than facial expressions that are
neutral. The present study examines the effect of emotional
word stimuli on time perception, the hypothesis being that
taboo word stimuli receive more attention and, thus, lead
to an underestimation of perceived time.
Droit-Volet et al. (2004) used a temporal bisection task
to study the effects of facial expressions on time.
Participants were asked to estimate whether the durations of
angry, happy, sad, and neutral facial expressions were more
similar to either a short (400 msec) or long (1,600 msec)
interval that they had learned earlier in the experiment.
The expressions were presented for seven durations that
ranged from short to long. Participants consistently
overestimated the duration of the angry, happy, and sad facial
expressions relative to the neutral expressions.
Specifically, participants produced a higher proportion of long
responses for emotional facial expressions than for neutral
expressions, and the bisection point (BP; comparison
duration giving rise to 50% of the long responses) decreased
accordingly. The findings were interpreted within the
context of internal clock theories of time processing (e.g.,
Gibbon, Church, & Meck, 1984). In general, these models
include an arousal-sensitive pacemaker (Wearden,
Philpott, & Win, 1999) that sends pulses (or units of elapsed
time) to an accumulator via an attention-controlled switch
that closes with the onset of the stimulus and opens again
after offset. In the final stage, the presented duration is
compared with the representation of the learned duration
(the short and long durations in the bisection task) that
is stored in reference memory. Arousal and attention are
thought to affect different mechanisms within the internal
clock. Increased arousal is thought to accelerate the rate
of the pacemaker, leading to a greater number of counted
units of time and, consequently, to an overestimation of
time. Attending to nontemporal information (e.g.,
secondary task information) is thought to open the switch,
leading to a loss of pulses entering the accumulator and,
consequently, to an underestimation of time (e.g., Burle
& Casini, 2001). Droit-Volet et al.s study supports the
idea that observing facial expressions increased the rate
of an internal pacemaker. Specifically, overestimation was
greatest for faces appearing more highly aroused (angry
facial expressions) than for faces appearing less aroused
(i.e., sad facial expressions).
Both underestimation and overestimation have been
recorded for other types of emotional stimuli. Noulhiane,
Mella, Samson, Ragot, and Pouthas (2007) examined the
influence of emotional sounds on time perception.
Participants were asked either to reproduce (Experiment 1)
or to provide a verbal estimate (Experiment 2) of the
duration of emotional auditory stimuli that lasted between
2 and 6 sec. Participants consistently judged emotional
sounds as longer than neutral sounds. Furthermore,
overestimation was greatest for negative sounds. However,
in keeping with the idea of emotion capturing attention,
participants more consistently underestimated the
duration of high-arousal sounds than they did the duration of
low-arousal sounds. A separate study (Angrilli,
Cherubini, Pavese, & Manfredini, 1997), which examined the
effects of emotional images on time perception, found
that time estimates depended on both the valence and
arousal of the stimuli. In particular, participants judged
the duration of low-arousal negative pictures as shorter
than the duration of low-arousal positive pictures, but they
judged the duration of high-arousal negative pictures as
longer than the duration of high-arousal positive pictures.
This interaction effect was explained in terms of a double
mechanism: More attentional resources were allocated to
the processing of the more interesting low-arousal
negative slides compared with the low-arousal positive slides;
consequently, time was underestimated, because fewer
attentional resources were available for time estimation.
Overestimation of high-negative-arousal slides relative
to high-positive-arousal slides was thought to reflect an
emotion-driven appetitiveaversive process. Because
participants were unable to avoid negative arousing pictures,
those pictures were perceived as lasting too long
(overestimation due to aversive motivation), whereas highly
arousing positive slides were perceived as lasting not
long enough (underestimation due to appetitive
motivation). In summary, how arousal and valence affect time
perception is dependent on whether the stimuli are
pictures or sounds.
How might emotional word stimuli affect time
perception? Studies into the effects of emotional word stimuli on
attention have recorded attentional bias for taboo words,
but not for other types of words (e.g., Anderson, 2005;
Arnell, Killman, & Fijavz, 2007; MacKay et al., 2004).
For example, accuracy at identifying color names in rapid
serial visual presentation is reduced if the words are
preceded by arousing, sexually explicit, taboo words but not
if they are preceded by negative, positive, or threatening
words (Arnell et al., 2007). Typically, emotional
(nontaboo) words do not bias attention (but see Sharma &
McKenna, 2001) unless the emotional words are relevant
to the ongoing concerns of the individual being tested
(for a review of the supporting evidence, see Williams,
Mathews, & MacLeod, 1996).
In (...truncated)