Stranger Danger!
Journal of Family Strengths
Volume 18
Issue 1 Critical Issues: Defining and Debunking
Misconceptions in Health, Education, Criminal Justice,
and Social Work/Social Services
10-23-2018
Stranger Danger!
Aimee Wodda
Adler University,
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Recommended Citation
Wodda, Aimee (2018) "Stranger Danger!," Journal of Family Strengths: Vol. 18 : Iss. 1 , Article 3.
Available at: https://digitalcommons.library.tmc.edu/jfs/vol18/iss1/3
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Article 3
Wodda: Stranger Danger!
In the small town of Hawkins, Indiana, on a mild November evening in
1983, a 12-year-old boy named Will Byers was abducted by a creature
from the Upside Down, an alternate/parallel reality. This scenario forms
the premise of episode 1 of the Netflix throwback series Stranger Things.
Advance publicity for the show featured flyers1 asking, “Have you seen
this child? Age: 12 Height: 4’ 8” Weight: 102 lbs” (Kutner, 2016). This
notice is reminiscent of the public awareness campaigns that appeared on
milk cartons and utility bills in the midst of the “missing children” panic that
rose to a fever pitch in the early to mid-1980s (Kutner, 2016). The
popularity of Stranger Things indicates, among other things, that stories
about missing kids continue to captivate audiences. As social and cultural
historian Paula Fass observes, “For many viewers, the threat of child
abduction or disappearance is scarier than any paranormal monster.
Perhaps what makes Stranger Things so frightening and captivating is that
it has both” (Kutner, 2016). Despite efforts to disprove the “stranger
danger” myth, many Americans remain under the false impression that
large numbers of children are abducted and murdered annually (Pimentel,
2012). Belief in this myth has led to the passage of legislation that not only
fails to protect the most vulnerable populations of children from harm but
also has created a milieu that leaves children at risk for criminalization and
stigma (Bonnar-Kidd, 2010; Center on Youth Registration Reform, 2016;
Schiavone & Jeglic, 2009; Shah, 2017; Stillman, 2016).
To demonstrate the roots, scope, and unintended consequences of
the myth, in this article I first discuss the historical origins of the myth and
the conditions that fueled the spread of panic (Best, 1987). I then explain
how the myth was bolstered by increased media coverage, emotional
appeals by parents, and public awareness campaigns. Next, I discuss the
racial element of the panic—in which a focus on “lost innocence,” largely
associated in the public mind with whiteness (Bernstein, 2011; Epstein,
Blake, & González, 2017; Goff et al., 2014; Ocen, 2015), means that the
victimization of Black children continues to be downplayed in the media in
favor of stories that “sell”—namely, those with young white girls as the
victims (Liebler, 2010; Min & Feaster, 2010; Simmons & Woods, 2015;
Stillman, 2007; Wanzo, 2008).
In the literature review, I define terms, share statistical information
about child abductions in the United States, and engage with two bodies
of scholarship—constructionist critiques of the “missing children” problem
and work that looks at the phenomenon through the lens of moral panic.
The next section examines a variety of social, legal, and ethical
1 The flyer can be viewed at
https://www.instagram.com/p/BIGgg6sDLfN/?utm_source=ig_embed.
Published by DigitalCommons@TMC,
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Journal of Family Strengths, Vol. 18 [], Iss. 1, Art. 3
implications. The final sections assert the dangers of the myth, explain the
difficulties involved in debunking the myth, and argue for the need to shift
from fear-based responses to more rational responses that actually work
to protect the most vulnerable populations of children (e.g., those who
reside in abusive homes or experience harm at the hands of those known
to them) (Finkelhor, Shattuck, Turner, & Hamby, 2014; Finkelhor, Turner,
Shattuck, & Hamby, 2015; Glassner, 2010; Hughes, Kitzinger, & Murdock,
2006; Sedlak et al., 2010).
Early Spread of the “Stranger Danger” Myth
The “stranger danger” myth is most strongly associated with heightened
societal concern over what at first appeared to be an upsurge in the
number of missing children in the United States and the United Kingdom
during the early to mid-1980s (Best, 1993; Johnson, 1988; Kitzinger,
1999). Before the 1980s, stories about children who were abducted by
strangers rarely made the national news. This changed with the highly
publicized coverage of several disappearances between 1979 and the
early 1980s (Best, 1987). Readers across the United States encountered
news stories about kids just like their own who had disappeared and either
were never found or met tragic ends. Increasing national media coverage
and political attention fueled parental and societal concern about the
possibility of an epidemic of missing kids (Best, 1988, p. 84). A similar
phenomenon was taking place in the United Kingdom (Kitzinger, 1999).
Widespread and sensational media coverage led to the mistaken
impression that this type of crime was increasing—in both frequency and
ferocity. As Karen Ann Joe explains,
The missing children’s issue took on a highly dramatic and
intensely emotional quality. This simultaneously elicited
sympathy for parents and anger toward those who were not
“doing something” about the problem. This emotional
description of the problem, drawn from the experience of
victimized parents, many of whom were the campaign
leaders, dominated emerging definitions of the missing
children scare; it also gave competing interest groups an
opportunity to gain support for their “causes”. Ultimately an
uncontested and highly symbolic image of missing children
appeared. (1991, p. 39)
The so-called epidemic of missing children was thought to represent a
loss of innocence—for the children who disappeared and also for society.
Additionally, the disappearance of young people was (incorrectly)
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Wodda: Stranger Danger!
assumed to be related to a dramatic rise in sexual exploitation, murder,
and victimization, yet media reports tended to overstate the scope of the
problem (Joe, 1991, p. 42).
For example, increased media coverage of sensational cases of
murdered and possibly sexually violated children served to heighten the
sense that child abductions by strangers were becoming increasingly
common (APM Reports & Baran, 2016; Best, 1987; Fritz & Altheide, 1987;
Johnson, 1988). As Jenny Kitzinger writes,
Stranger-danger stories have great appeal to journalists. The
random and public nature of such attacks makes every
reader or viewer potentially at risk from the “pervert on the
loose.” Such ca (...truncated)