The Iranian Foreign Policyin the Persian Gulf Region under the Rule of President Hassan Rouhani: Continuity of Change

Przegl¹d Strategiczny 2014, nr 7 Przemys³aw OSIEWICZ DOI 10.14746/ps.2014.1.19 Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznañ THE IRANIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE PERSIAN GULF REGION UNDER THE RULE OF PRESIDENT HASSAN ROUHANI: CONTINUITY OR CHANGE Undoubtedly, the Islamic Republic of Iran still plays a very important role in the Middle East especially in the Persian Gulf region. Its location as well as its political and economic potential determine Iran’s regional position. According to Kayhan Barzegar and Mohammad Reza Agharebparast, “since the British withdrawal from the Persian Gulf in 1971, maintaining the security of this vital body of water has been of primary concern, both for its littoral states and for the western countries that acquire their energy from there. The Persian Gulf has witnessed a revolution, two [actually three – P.O.] major wars, and regime changes since the British withdrawal. […] Meanwhile, internal instability and increasing dissatisfaction with the authoritarian regimes are rendering the hitherto accepted tenets of security obsolete” (Barzegar, Agharebparast, 2012: 8). Lawrence G. Potter claims that “the Gulf has always been a key international trade route connecting the Middle East to India, East Africa, Southeast Asia, and China. Its orientation was outward, toward the Indian Ocean, and its society reflected this” (Potter, 2009: 1). At the same time there are some features which distinguish Iran from other states in the region. These differences have a substantial influence on its relations with neighbouring states. Firstly, it is the only non-Arab state in the Persian Gulf. Secondly, Iran is dominated by Shia Islam. The Iranian state is often depicted as a guardian of Shia doctrine and a protector of Shiites outside Iran, for example, in Bahrain. Thirdly, Iran is the only theocratical state not only in the Persian Gulf, but also in the whole world except for the Holy See. Fourthly, all states in the region excluding Iran are member states of the (Persian) Gulf Cooperation Council (Potter, 2009: 15–16).1 Fifthly, Iran is the only regional actor which officially uses the term Persian Gulf. All Arab states refer to the Persian Gulf simply as the Gulf or the Arab Gulf in order to underline the Arab dominance in the region and debase Persians (The Gulf, 2005: 9–22). Last but not least, only Iran likely undertook experiments and research related to nuclear weapons. Yet it should be emphasized that Iranian politicians deny the allegations and insist that all enrichment activities are intended solely for peaceful purposes (Mousavian, 2012: 32–33). Nevertheless, most of international community especially the West does not share the Iranian point of view. The main aim of this article is to find out whether Iranian foreign policy towards the Arab states in the Persian Gulf region has undergone any significant changes since 1 The official name of the organization is the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Yet Iranian authorities and scholars insist on using the term the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (PGCC). 250 Przemys³aw OSIEWICZ Hassan Rouhani became the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran in August 2013. The question is if Hassan Rouhani’s foreign policy represents a continuity or a change in comparison with the Mahmoud Ahmadinejad presidential rule between 2005–2013. Is the current Iran’s foreign policy towards the Persian Gulf region idealistic or rather realistic? The main assumption is that there will be no Arab-Iranian rapprochement in the Persian Gulf without a prior normalization of political relations between Iran and the West especially the United States. THEORY OF THE IRANIAN FOREIGN POLICY: WAVES OF IDEALISM VS. WAVES OF REALISM Undoubtedly, the Iranian foreign policy has undergone significant changes since the successful revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979. Mahdi Mohammad Nia argues that “anti-western revolutionary identity is considered as the nodal point of Iran’s foreign policy discourse in relations to which signs and moment are organized in a chain of equivalence that gives meaning to the country’s foreign policy behaviour. […] To neutralize the western threats, Iranian officials continously have emphasized the anti-western revolutionary identity and created a chain of equivalence around the new constructed identity” (Nia, 2012: 37). Yet this anti-western orientation constitutes a significant obstacle as far as the Iranian position in the region is concerned. As all Arab states in the Persian Gulf cooperate with the United States, no Arab-Iranian rapprochement would be possible without prior normalization of U.S.-Iran relations. The Iranian foreign policy is very complex and has many unique features. Jalil Roshandel claims that Iran’s strategic culture could be described as follows: – Iran sees itself as a defender of Islam especially Shia Islam; – Iran intends to become a regional hegemon; – Iranians feel oppressed by international community; – the main oppressors of Iran are the United States and Israel; – “Iran understands the importance of possessing not only a strong military but, more specifically, a nuclear capability” (Roshandel, 2013: 50). Yet it does not mean that the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran has not undergone any significant changes since 1979. On the contrary, there were various periods in which Iranian authorities were either pragmatic and ready for international cooperation or eager to promote the Shia values and confront with the Arab states in the Middle East. Although the Supreme Leader is the most influential politican in Iran, foreign policy making also depends on the President. According to article 125 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran of 1979, “the President or his legal representative has the authority to sign treaties, protocols, contracts, and agreements concluded by the Iranian government with other governments, as well as agreements pertaining to international organizations, after obtaining the approval of the Islamic Consultative Assembly” (Constitution, 1979/1989). For this reason the Iranian foreign policy varies from president to president. In each case, however, it always requires approval from the Supreme Leader. Article 110 of the Constitution states that among the The Iranian Foreign Policy in the Persian Gulf Region Under the Rule... 251 duties and powers of the Supreme Leader is “delineation of the general policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran after consultation with the Nation’s Exigency Council” (Constitution, 1979/1989). According to Mohammad Reza Deshiri, “in a detailed classification of the periods and evolutions of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, we can scrutinize them from the point of view of the distinction or rapprochement between idealism and realism; that is to say that from 1979 to 1997 there existed a kind of distinction and distance between idealism and realism in such a way (...truncated)