Ibu Sawitri and the A/Occidental Oriental
Ibu Sawitri and the a/occidental Oriental
Monica Wulff, University of Technology, Sydney
This paper represents a companion piece or supplement to Dancing in the Contact Zone.
In that paper I introduced Ibu Sawitri, her dance, and my experience of our embodied
cultural encounter.1 The first part of this paper is also devoted to Ibu Sawitri, but is
specifically linked to the ideas raised in the Ibu Box camera from the installation. Here I
tell ‘my’ insights and interpretations of Ibu Sawitri’s life, which traverses a multitude
of colonial and local patriarchies. The story is interwoven with transcripts of Ibu’s
voice as presented in the installation and a range of other historical Indonesian
women’s voices drawn from books and archives. In the second part of this paper I look
at what it means to leave what Pratt terms the ‘contact zone’ (1992) with a body that is
informed and shaped by this experience. Here I will discuss some of the main issues
addressed in my camera box and the wall projection. I look at western audience
reactions to the contemporary work I do in Australia with the dance and performance
techniques learned in Indonesia. Based on these reactions I speculate about western
perceptions of traditional and modern Asian art forms and what that says about our
current western perceptions of Asia.
1
For more background information about the installation, which represents a cross-cultural collaboration
between Sydney based director Deborah Pollard, video artist Sam James, sound artists Gail Priest and
myself as concept devisor and performer, as well as Indonesian based sculptor Hedi Heriyanto, and
explanation of the term ‘contact zone’, please refer to my other paper in this special issue of PORTAL.
PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies vol. 3, no. 2 July 2006
ISSN: 1449-2490
http://epress.lib.uts.edu.au/ojs/index.php/portal
Wulff
Ibu Sawitri
Bapak Sumitra, Ibu Sawitri's father (Family photograph, date unknown)
Ibu Sawitri’s dance with history
The thing that impressed me most about Ibu’s life was that it spanned a period of
incredible political upheaval and social change. My name is Sawitri. I am 75 years old.
I live in Astanalanggar, Losari, in Indonesia. She was born some time around the mid1920s in Losari, Cirebon under Dutch colonial rule. When I asked her what she
remembered about that period she told me that she did not remember having had
contact with Dutch people in the village or the local surrounds, but occasionally she
saw them at a distance closer to town. It was still the era of Queen Wilhelmina, I was a
little girl then. The Dutch ruled through a regional bureaucracy, which reached the
villages via the tentacles of government in the form of Gubenur, Bupati, Lurah, RW
(Rukun Warga) and RT (Rukun Tetangga). 2 This local government/villager relationship
was based on fragile trust and exploitation, the parameters within which Ibu learned, in
the course of her life, to negotiate with considerable skill. The Dutch featured in Ibu’s
2
Governor, regent, village chief, administrative unit at the next-to-lowest level in a city consisting of
several RTs, and the neighborhood association, the lowest administrative unit (Echols & Shadily 1992).
PORTAL vol. 3 no. 2 July 2006
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Ibu Sawitri
life through their absence, but affected her life directly through the system of top-down
rule, which at times involved forced labour in government-owned rice fields and local
industries. As Pak Wastar, one of the oldest gamelan Topeng Losari musicians
remembers, as verified by Sulastiyano: ‘“Tahun 1930-an merupakan masa sulit pangan,
karena sawah-sawah tidak ditanami padi melainkan tebu.” Kenyataan ini disebabkan
karena pemerintah Hindia Belanda menjadikan Cirebon sebagai pengekspor gula
terbesar’ (cited in Masunah 2000, 47) [‘“The 1930s were a time of scarcity because the
rice fields were not planted with rice but with sugarcane.” This situation was the result
of the Dutch East Indies Government making Cirebon its largest sugar exporter’]. This
historical condition is confirmed by Soekesi: ‘Daerah pesisir utara banyak terjadi
penyewaan desa-desa atau daerah kepada orang partikulir yang kebanyakan orang
Tionghoa (Cina). Mereka berkuasa atas tanah beserta penduduknya terutama dalam
menentukan pajak dan wajib kerja bagi penduduk guna keperluan pabrik atau
perusahaan gula mereka’ (cited in Masunah 2000, 48). [‘In the north coast region there
was much renting out of villages and regions to individuals, many of whom were
Chinese. They were in charge of the land and its occupants in particular in the role of
demanding land tax and forced labour from the residents to satisfy the demands of their
factories and sugar companies’].
Ibu Sawitri sitting amongst the gamelan, Losari/Cirebon 1999
Close government control through the local bureaucracy was a constant throughout
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Ibu Sawitri
Ibu’s life, given that the Dutch system of law and government was maintained in
independent Indonesia. Ms Kurnianingrat, known to her friends as Jo, an educated,
Indonesian woman from a noble background who did have direct contact with the
Dutch, tells how she experienced Dutch rule:
So far my life had been so protected that I did not notice the injustices around me. I did not know
there were certain swimming pools with the notice: Dogs and natives not allowed entrance. I had
no idea that it was difficult for Indonesians to be accepted at the European Primary School, which
paved the way for future good schooling. I did not realise that for most Indonesian children it was
made difficult to get a good education and I was oblivious of the fact that the masses were kept
ignorant and poor (Thompson Zainu’ddin 1997, 169).
The Japanese occupation (1942-1945) and the hardships experienced during this time
were vividly and frequently recalled during our conversations. From Ibu’s stories it
emerged that the Japanese were present in the village and deeply resented. When the
Japanese landed here, I could already dance. All the bridges were bombed, so if you
wanted to cross the river you had to go by raft. Ibu told of how she and other women
would rub their faces, arms and necks with mud before venturing out into the village. If
they saw Japanese in the distance they would turn around and insert their round enamel
bowls called baskom used to carry rice and other goods from the markets under their
sarongs to give the appearance of pregnancy. The dirty appearance and pregnant bodies
were supposed to repel the Japanese soldiers and guard the women against rape. That
was my experience when I was young. I wasn’t afraid of anything. When the Japanese
were walking in the streets, they never let you pass, wherever they were, they would hit
people with wooden sticks. So, that’s my experience, I don’t understand anything about
politics, I just know what I saw. One day when we were coming back from the market
Ibu greeted a neighbour and then proc (...truncated)