Common Fiscal Capacity Is Needed to Strengthen Risk Sharing
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DOI: 10.1007/s10272-020-0905-1
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Antonia Díaz*
Common Fiscal Capacity Is Needed to Strengthen Risk Sharing
The COVID-19 pandemic has shown that the fabric of the
European Union project, in its current design, cannot facilitate the needed risk sharing to deepen the Single Market. To boost cross-border banking and capital market
integration, we need a common safe asset and therefore
common fiscal capacity.
© The Author(s) 2020. Open Access: This article is distributed under the
terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
Open Access funding provided by ZBW – Leibniz Information Centre
for Economics.
*
This article draws some ideas from Díaz (2020) and Díaz and Puch
(2020).
Antonia Díaz, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid,
Spain.
ZBW – Leibniz Information Centre for Economics
The heterogeneous effect of COVID-19 across
sectors and regions in the EU
Until we have a successful vaccine or an antiviral drug,
the COVID-19 shock remains a dramatic example of a
negative externality: people may become infected when
gathering for social or productive purposes. The very nature of the shock implies that people, depending on their
economic activity, have different probabilities of getting
infected. In particular, activities that require team production (i.e. an assembly line) or those services that require
the joint time of the provider and consumer (a restaurant)
are severely disrupted by the coronavirus pandemic and
the slow-down measures required to prevent infections.
Other activities, however, especially in information and
communication sectors, are less affected by the pandemic as workers can move more easily to teleworking. This
asymmetric effect of the shock on economic activities becomes an asymmetric impact on countries depending on
their sectoral composition. For instance, this shock hits
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regions specialised in services such as tourism particularly hard.
Figure 1
Employment specialisation across European
regions, 2016
Figure 1 shows a standard measure of employment specialisation across regions of the European Union. It reveals that regions with greater specialisation in retail trade
are more affected by the pandemic. The impact of the
shock is not only larger in regions specialised in contactintensive services but, most likely, will have a more persistent effect. There are two reasons for this: first, substitution of labour for capital (robotisation) is much more
difficult in non-routine jobs. Second, keeping safe physical distance implies that the very size of plants, shops,
restaurants, etc. is a binding capacity constraint during
the unlock phase. That is, restarting contact-intensive
services in a way that complies with safety conditions requires a significant amount of investment in the sectors
that have been hardest hit by COVID-19.
Moreover, the shift in consumer expenditures from faceto-face services to online services (or goods) implies that
there are sectors that are actually benefitting from this
crisis. In particular, the digital sector, dominated by international giants like Netflix, Google and Apple is making
substantial profits in, almost literally, captive markets.
Risk sharing is needed to deepen economic integration
COVID-19 is an example of a shock that hits households,
firms and sectors asymmetrically, within and across
countries. This is particularly important in the European
Union since all measures taken to boost the Single Market lead to exploiting comparative advantages across regions and, thus, sectoral specialisation; especially in the
eurozone, as Mongelli et al. (2016) show. This specialisation raises the exposure of any regional economy to some
risks and, therefore, increases the variance of its GDP. It
could be argued that the COVID-19 shock is an extremely
unlikely event, but there are many studies that point out
that differences in sectoral composition are in fact an important factor in explaining the size of the business cycle fluctuations in the regions as well as the asymmetries
and financial imbalances within the eurozone (see for instance, Imbs, 2004; Corsetti et al., 2008; Atalay, 2017).
Kalemli-Ozcan et al. (2003) provide evidence that risk
sharing and industrial specialisation are positively correlated using data that combines international and intraregional information. The message is that countries (or
regions) that can shield consumption against production
risk are better equipped to exploit the gains from specialisation much more and advance further in economic
integration. The channels for risk sharing, aside from fiscal transfers, are banking and capital markets integration.
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Canarica (ES)
Guadeloupe (FR)
0 100
0
Martinique (FR)
Guyane (FR)
0
25
0 100
20
Réunion (FR)
Mayotte (FR)
20
0
Malta
Açores (PT)
0
0
10
15
0 50
Madeira (PT)
Liechtenstein
0
0 5
20
Administrative boundaries: © EuroGeographics © UN-FAO © Turkstat. Cartography: Eurostat – GISCO 5/2019.
Agriculture, forestry and fishing
0 200 400 600 800 km
Industry
Construction
Wholesale and retail trade; transport; accommodation and
food services; information and communication
Financial and insurance; real estate; professional, scientific and
technical; administrative and support service activities
Public administration (defence; social security; education; health
and social work); arts, entertainment and recreation; others
Data not available
Note: The share of the total number of persons employed in each NUTS 2
region is computed for the six activities: a similar calculation is made for
the whole of the EU28; the most specialised activity is computed by taking the regional shares and subtracting the EU28 shares; the map shows
for each region the activity whose employment share exceeded the EU28
average by the largest margin (as measured in percentage point terms).
Norway and Switzerland: national data. Germany, Greece, Spain, France,
Cyprus, the Netherlands, Poland and Romania: provisional. Slovakia: estimates.
Source: Eurostat
nama_10a10_3).
(online
data
codes:
nama_10r_3empers
and
Martinez et al. (2019) find that a banking union is efficient
in sharing domestic demand shocks, while a capital market union is key to sharing supply shocks. That is, integration should go hand in hand on both fronts.
An incomplete risk-sharing architecture within the
EMU
The question that arises is how countries in the EU, especially those in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU),
share the risks that arise from the industrial specialisation
brought by the Single Market. Hoffman et al. (2019a) find
for the EMU area that, after the adoption of the euro, bank-
Intereconomics 2020 | 4
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ing integration grew significantly through wholesale funding and the interbank market, which are highly procyclical
(see Admati and Hellwig, 2014), instead of cross-border
banking integration. This implies that risk sharing actually
plummets during econo (...truncated)