SYMPOSIUM: MOVING TOWARD INTEGRATION -- Fair Housing Past, Present, and Future: Perspectives on Moving Toward Integration
Case Western Reserve Law Review
Volume 70
Issue 3
Article 5
2020
SYMPOSIUM: MOVING TOWARD INTEGRATION -- Fair Housing
Past, Present, and Future: Perspectives on Moving Toward
Integration
Jonathan L. Entin
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Jonathan L. Entin, SYMPOSIUM: MOVING TOWARD INTEGRATION -- Fair Housing Past, Present, and
Future: Perspectives on Moving Toward Integration, 70 Case W. Res. L. Rev. 659 (2020)
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Case Western Reserve Law Review·Volume 70·Issue 3·2020
— Symposium —
Fair Housing Past, Present, and
Future: Perspectives on Moving
Toward Integration
Introduction
Jonathan L. Entin†
People of color have long faced discrimination in the housing
market. In many instances, African Americans encountered violent
opposition when they tried to move into previously all-white
communities.1 More commonly, various public policies and private
practices promoted residential segregation. For example, zoning
ordinances sought to maintain segregated housing patterns, public
housing was located in places that maintained racial isolation, federal
agencies refused to insure mortgages in racially mixed neighborhoods,
private lenders refused to make loans in such neighborhoods, real estate
agents engaged in racial steering to maintain residential segregation,
and property owners refused to sell or rent to persons of color.2
†
David L. Brennan Professor Emeritus of Law, Case Western Reserve
University.
1.
See Jeannine Bell, Hate Thy Neighbor: Move-In Violence and
the Persistence of Racial Segregation in American Housing
(2013); Leonard S. Rubinowitz & Imani Perry, Crimes without
Punishment: White Neighbors’ Resistance to Black Entry, 92 J. Crim. L.
& Criminology 335 (2001). For accounts of local violence, see, e.g.,
Kevin Boyle, Arc of Justice: A Saga of Race, Civil Rights, and
Murder in the Jazz Age (2004) (examining the Ossian Sweet case,
which arose from a black family’s effort to move into a previously allwhite Detroit neighborhood); Glenn T. Eskew, But for Birmingham:
The Local and National Movements in the Civil Rights
Struggle 53–83 (1997) (discussing bombings that sought to maintain
residential segregation in Birmingham, Alabama); Thomas J. Sugrue, Jim
Crow’s Last Stand: The Struggle to Integrate Levittown, in Second
Suburb: Levittown, Pennsylvania 175 (Dianne Harris ed., 2010)
(describing the violent reaction to a black family’s move into an all-white
community). See also Daisy D. Myers, Reflections on Levittown, in
Second Suburb, supra, at 41 (offering the perspective of one member of
that black family).
2.
See, e.g., Charles Abrams, Forbidden Neighbors: A Study of
Prejudice in Housing (1955); Richard Rothstein, The Color of
Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated
America (2017).
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Case Western Reserve Law Review·Volume 70·Issue 3·2020
Fair Housing Past, Present, and Future
The Supreme Court’s record in housing discrimination cases is
decidedly mixed. More than a century ago, in Buchanan v. Warley,3 the
Court struck down a zoning ordinance that explicitly relied on race in
determining who could legally reside on particular blocks.4 And just
over fifty years later, in Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co.,5 the Court held
that section 1 of the Civil Rights Act of 1866 prohibited private racial
discrimination in the purchase, sale, or rental of housing, but it noted
that this provision was not a comprehensive fair-housing law.6 Around
the same time, the Court rebuffed political efforts to make it difficult,
if not practically impossible, for states and localities to adopt their own
fair-housing legislation.7 But the Court rejected zoning challenges where
race was not an explicit factor and the land-use decisions seemed to
have plausibly neutral justifications.8 And only a few years after
Buchanan, the Court in Corrigan v. Buckley9 rejected a constitutional
challenge to restrictive covenants that prohibited African Americans as
well as members of disfavored religious and ethnic groups from owning,
leasing, or occupying property that was covered by those agreements.
Although the Court later held that such covenants were not judicially
enforceable,10 those private agreements remained in place for years
afterward.
3.
245 U.S. 60 (1917).
4.
That unanimous ruling did not discourage other cities from enacting racebased zoning ordinances, although courts invalidated those measures. See,
e.g., Monk v. City of Birmingham, 185 F.2d 859 (5th Cir. 1950); City of
Richmond v. Deans, 37 F.2d 712 (4th Cir.), aff'd per curiam, 281 U.S. 704
(1930); Land Dev. Co. of La. v. City of New Orleans, 17 F.2d 1016 (5th
Cir. 1927).
5.
392 U.S. 409 (1968).
6.
Id. at 413–14. Section 1 of the 1866 Act is codified at 42 U.S.C. § 1982
(2018).
7.
Hunter v. Erickson, 393 U.S. 385 (1969) (invalidating a city charter
provision that required voter approval of any fair-housing ordinance);
Reitman v. Mulkey, 387 U.S. 369 (1967) (invalidating a state constitutional
amendment that gave property owners absolute discretion to choose with
whom they would deal, thereby repealing a state fair-housing law and
preventing further legislation against housing discrimination).
8.
See Vill. of Arlington Heights v. Metro. Hous. Dev. Corp., 429 U.S. 252
(1977).
9.
271 U.S. 323 (1926).
10.
See Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948) (prohibiting state courts from
enforcing restrictive covenants); see also Hurd v. Hodge, 334 U.S. 24
(1948) (prohibiting federal courts from enforcing restrictive covenants);
Barrows v. Jackson, 346 U.S. 249 (1953) (forbidding courts to award
damages for breach of restrictive covenants).
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Case Western Reserve Law Review·Volume 70·Issue 3·2020
Fair Housing Past, Present, and Future
Congress passed the federal Fair Housing Act in 1968.11 Although
its effectiveness has been widely questioned, that law was much more
comprehensive than the Reconstruction statute at issue in Jones v.
Mayer in that it addressed discrimination based on religion and national
origin as well as race, and it prohibited discrimination not only in the
sale or rental of housing but also in ancillary services, brokerage,
financing, and advertising, established administrative enforcement
mechanisms, provided for damages as well as injunctive relief for
violations, and authorized litigation by the Department of Justice. A
few states and municipalities already had adopted their own
antidiscrimination measures, but those measures were relatively weak
and generally were controversial. A number were repeale (...truncated)