A conceptual re-evaluation of reproductive coercion: centring intent, fear and control
(2021) 18:87
Tarzia and Hegarty Reprod Health
https://doi.org/10.1186/s12978-021-01143-6
Open Access
COMMENTARY
A conceptual re‑evaluation of reproductive
coercion: centring intent, fear and control
Laura Tarzia1,2*
and Kelsey Hegarty1,2
Abstract
Background: Reproductive coercion and abuse (RCA) is a hidden form of violence against women. It includes
behaviours intended to control or dictate a woman’s reproductive autonomy, for the purpose of either preventing or
promoting pregnancy.
Main text: In this commentary, we argue that there is a lack of conceptual clarity around RCA that is a barrier to
developing a robust evidence base. Furthermore, we suggest that there is a poor understanding of the way that RCA
intersects with other types of violence (intimate partner violence; sexual violence) and—as a result—inconsistent
definition and measurement in research and healthcare practice. To address this, we propose a new way of understanding RCA that centres perpetrator intent and the presence of fear and/or control. Recommendations for future
research are also discussed.
Conclusion: We suggest that IPV and SV are the mechanisms through which RCA is perpetrated. In other words, RCA
cannot exist without some other form of co-occurring violence in a relationship. This has important implications for
research, policy and healthcare practice including for screening and identification of women in reproductive healthcare settings.
Keywords: Reproductive coercion, Intimate partner violence, Sexual violence, Reproductive autonomy, Women,
Family violence
Background
Reproductive coercion and abuse (RCA), first defined as
simply “reproductive coercion” by Elizabeth Miller and
colleagues in 2010, refers to any deliberate attempt to
influence or control a person’s reproductive choices [1] or
interfere with their reproductive autonomy. It is typically
perpetrated against women by a male intimate partner
[2], although other family members can also be participants or instigators [3]. RCA is commonly understood
to take three main forms: pregnancy coercion (where
a woman is pressured or forced to become pregnant
against her will); contraceptive sabotage (deliberately
*Correspondence:
1
Department of General Practice, The University of Melbourne, Level 2,
780 Elizabeth Street, Melbourne, VIC 3010, Australia
Full list of author information is available at the end of the article
damaging, hiding, or otherwise interfering with birth
control); and controlling the outcome of a pregnancy
(forcing a woman to terminate or continue a pregnancy
against her will) [2]. Extant literature suggests associations between RCA and intimate partner violence (IPV)
[3–6], unwanted pregnancies [2, 7], poor mental health
[8], decreased contraceptive self-efficacy [9, 10], and
increased risk of sexually transmitted infections [11].
These negative health outcomes have led to a recent rise
in media interest in the issue. We argue in this commentary, however, that we have seen a lack of definitional and
conceptual clarity around RCA, leading to inconsistency
across prevalence data, a poor understanding of the risk
factors, and difficulties in demonstrating the effectiveness
of interventions in health settings. RCA research remains
in its infancy; it is therefore an opportune time to pause
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Tarzia and Hegarty Reprod Health
(2021) 18:87
and re-evaluate the state of the knowledge, as well as to
reflect on the best way forward in this emerging field.
Our perspective in writing this commentary is as
health and violence researchers working in a university
setting in a high-income country. One of us (KH) has a
clinical background as a general practitioner and LT is
an applied sociologist. Our arguments and their implications for research and practice are thus shaped by the
assumptions that: (1) violence against women is a major
public health issue; (2) health systems are well-placed to
identify and respond to violence against women and (3)
a solid theoretical and empirical evidence base is critical
for informing the development and implementation of
interventions in health settings. We recognise and welcome discussion of conceptual issues relating to RCA
within other disciplines such as philosophy and gender
studies; however, our purpose is to define and discuss
RCA insofar as it affects healthcare practice and outcomes for women.
What do we know about RCA?
It is not our intention here to review the growing body of
literature on RCA. This has been covered by several comprehensive systematic reviews [2, 7, 12, 13] which address
the prevalence and types of reproductive coercion and its
associations with IPV, unintended pregnancy, contraceptive non-adherence, and poor sexual and reproductive
health. In brief, the evidence suggests that:
• RCA is common and comprises a spectrum of behaviours such as pressure, manipulation, emotional
blackmail, trickery, threats, and the use of physical
violence [2, 7];
• The lifetime prevalence of RCA ranges between 8
and 30% depending on the sample and setting [7].
More recent studies also sit within this range (e.g.
Swan and colleagues [14]; Grace and colleagues [15]);
• RCA is associated consistently with IPV, unintended
pregnancy, and contraceptive non-adherence [7].
More recent work using multi-dimensional tools to
measure IPV suggests that RCA is associated with
more severe forms of violence [15];
• Risk factors reported for RCA include being of nonWhite background [15], being young [7], and being
single/non-partnered or experiencing relationship
issues [7, 15].
Issues with the existing evidence base
We outline below a number of key issues which—in our
view—hamper the field of RCA research and call into
question some of the findings reported in the extant literature. Some of these are based on our own qualitative
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work in the field [16–21], whilst others are our reflections
on the lack of empirical ev (...truncated)