Without Doors: Native Nations and the Convention
Fordham Law Review
Volume 89
Issue 5
Article 3
2021
Without Doors: Native Nations and the Convention
Mary Sarah Bilder
Founders Professor of Law, Boston College Law School
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Recommended Citation
Mary Sarah Bilder, Without Doors: Native Nations and the Convention, 89 Fordham L. Rev. 1707 (2021).
Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol89/iss5/3
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WITHOUT DOORS: NATIVE NATIONS AND THE
CONVENTION
Mary Sarah Bilder*
Wednesday last arrived in this city, from the Cherokee nation, Mr.
Alexander Droomgoole, with Sconetoyah, a War Captain, and son to one
of the principal Chiefs of that nation. They will leave this place in a few
days, for New-York, to represent to Congress some grievances, and to
demand an observance of the Treaty of Hopewell, on the Keowee, which
they say has been violated and infringed by the lawless and unruly whites
on the frontiers.
We are informed that a Choctaw King, and a Chickasaw Chief, are also
on their way to the New-York, to have a Talk with Congress, and to
brighten the chain of friendship.
—Pennsylvania Mercury, June 15, 17871
INTRODUCTION
The Constitution’s apparent textual near silence with respect to Native
Nations is misleading. As this Article reveals, four representatives of Native
Nations visited Philadelphia in the summer of 1787. Their visit ensured that
the Constitution secured the general government’s treaty authority with
Native Nations and decisively barred state claims of authority. But, the visits
also threatened to disrupt Congress’s passage of the Northwest Ordinance
and the vision of nationally sanctioned white settlement. In the process of
successfully preventing the representatives from reaching Congress,
Secretary at War Henry Knox developed the central tenets of what would
* Founders Professor of Law, Boston College Law School. This Article was prepared for the
Symposium entitled The Federalist Constitution, hosted by the Fordham Law Review on
October 2, 2020, at Fordham University School of Law. I am particularly grateful to Colin G.
Calloway, whom I met at Mount Vernon when I was curious about 1787 visits to Philadelphia.
Colin wrote, “A delegation of Choctaws led by a chief called Taboca visits Philadelphia and
NY in the summer of 1787. There may be more.” Email from Colin G. Calloway, Professor
of Hist. & Native Am. Stud., Dartmouth Coll., to author (Sept. 16, 2016) (on file with the
Fordham Law Review). My thanks to Gregory Ablavsky, Colin G. Calloway, David Nichols,
Greg O’Brien, Charles Weeks, and the Symposium participants, and in particular, to Avi
Soifer for his careful reading and suggestions and to Vanessa Bernard and Timothy Conklin
for reading an early draft. For assistance with materials, I thank the William L. Clements
Library at the University of Michigan, the Oklahoma Historical Society, Archivo General de
Indias, the Mississippi Department of Archives & History, and Laurel Davis, Deena Frazier,
Helen Lacouture, and Caitlin Ross.
1. Philadelphia, June 15., PA. MERCURY & UNIVERSAL ADVERTISER, June 15, 1787.
1707
1708
FORDHAM LAW REVIEW
[Vol. 89
become the George Washington administration’s early Indian policy: an
acceptance of Native Nation sovereignty, disapproval of unauthorized white
encroachment, and an attempt to discourage Native Nations from sending
additional representatives. In addition to emphasizing the strong national
federal government role and Native Nation sovereignty, this history provides
evidence that the Framers’ generation without doors—outside the
Convention—critically affected the creation of the Constitution as an
instrument and a system of government.
Figure 1: Back of the State House2
I. A CONSTITUTION OF TREATIES
On June 18, 1787, four deputies of the Cherokee, Chickasaw, and Choctaw
Nations were in Philadelphia. At the time, their presence was widely
reported. They met George Washington and other Philadelphia Convention
members, as well as congressional delegates and the secretary at war, Henry
Knox. Although their visits have received some discussion by historians,
accounts of the Convention entirely overlook their presence.3
2. William Russell Birch, Back of the State House, Philadelphia (illustration) (1800).
3. See, e.g., COLIN G. CALLOWAY, THE INDIAN WORLD OF GEORGE WASHINGTON 306–07
(2018); STANLEY W. HOIG, THE CHEROKEES AND THEIR CHIEFS: IN THE WAKE OF EMPIRE 70–
71 (1998); GREG O’BRIEN, CHOCTAWS IN A REVOLUTIONARY AGE, 1750–1830 (2005); U.S.
NAT’L PARK SERV., SIGNERS OF THE CONSTITUTION 53 (Robert G. Ferris ed., 1976) (including
an illustration of a newspaper article); Greg O’Brien, The Conqueror Meets the Unconquered:
Negotiating Cultural Boundaries on the Post-revolutionary Southern Frontier, 67 J.S. HIST.
39, 67 (2001); Daniel Flaherty, “People to Our Selves”: Chickasaw Diplomacy and Political
2021]
NATIVE NATIONS AND THE CONVENTION
1709
The erasure of these deputies has resulted in what is taken to be the relative
silence of the Convention on the constitutional relationship with Native
Nations. The basic components of the Constitution’s drafting history have
been well documented.4 Historian Francis Paul Prucha, for example, wrote
that “very little attention was paid to the issue in the Constitutional
Convention, and there was no extensive statement about Indians in the
Constitution itself.”5 As legal scholar Gregory Ablavsky recently wrote,
“[h]istories of the Constitution, even very recent ones, assume this absence
reflects Indians’ irrelevance, and so almost entirely omit Natives.”6 The
major treatise about Native Nations covers the Convention in one paragraph.7
The absence of Indigenous people from the Convention’s history means that
even scholarship emphasizing the broader contextual history of Native
Nations is nevertheless relegated to a focus on white political figures.8
This Article shifts traditional analysis. First, I believe that in the summer
of 1787, the “Constitution” remained a concept referring to a system of
government. The instrument drafted that summer reconfigured the
constitution but the instrument was not yet the Constitution itself. The
Constitution as an instrument should therefore be interpreted within the
larger concept of the Constitution as a system of government. Second, with
respect to this Constitution as a system of government, the drafters were
hardly the only relevant actors. A larger framing generation drafted the
Constitution as a system of government.9 To refer to this context, the
delegates used the phrase “without doors”10 and I employ that phrase here.
Development in the Nineteenth Century 75–87 (2012) (Ph.D. (...truncated)