COVID-19 Is Transforming Economic Policy in the United States
Forum
DOI: 10.1007/s10272-021-0979-4
Claudia Sahm
COVID-19 Is Transforming Economic Policy in the United States
A global pandemic is bringing the sea change in economic policy that the meltdown of financial markets in 2008
did not. While the shift is incomplete and its success is far
from guaranteed, now is the time to reflect on its effects
and the challenges ahead.
The economic policy response during the COVID-19 pandemic offers four key lessons: First, the features of the
coronavirus crisis are different from and the same as past
recessions. Second, we must use lessons learned from
economic policies in this crisis to prepare for future recessions. Third, good policies require good administration, which was repeatedly missing during the COVID-19
crisis. Good policy is worthless if it never reaches the
people it was intended to serve. Finally, it is time for macroeconomics to upgrade its tools and frameworks, bringing in new ideas and retiring some old ones. That effort
will require introspection and collaboration. To remain relevant, change in economics is imperative.
Differences and similarities shape the policy response now and in the future
COVID-19 hit the United States hard. In mid-March 2020,
a $21 trillion economy locked down to keep people safe
and hospitals from being overburdened by a new, mysterious killer. Several prominent macroeconomists, such
as Mankiw (2020) and Summers (2020), heralded it as the
first true supply-side recession, since people could not, in
their opinion, spend. They concluded that demand policies in recessions, like stimulus checks, were unhelpful
and would spark shortages, wasteful deficit spending
and high inflation. They called for targeted relief only for
people hardest hit like the unemployed and spending on
public health efforts. Those actions were necessary but
insufficient. The breadth of the crisis was too broad for
such a narrow policy response.
© The Author(s) 2021. Open Access: This article is distributed under the
terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
Open Access funding provided by ZBW – Leibniz Information Centre
for Economics.
Claudia Sahm, Stay-at-Home Macro (SAHM) Consulting, Arlington, VA; and Jain Family Institute, New
York, USA.
ZBW – Leibniz Information Centre for Economics
Yes, spending was restricted more than in past recessions, but people still had to have enough money to keep
a roof over their heads and feed their children. Moreover,
I argued from the start of the pandemic that we were also
living “the mother of all demand shocks” (Sahm, 2020).
Millions of workers claimed unemployment insurance
each week, and the official unemployment rate hurtled
toward 15% in April 2020 (Cox, 2020). The speed and
breadth of job losses rivaled only the Great Depression.
As shown in Figure 1, nearly half of US families lost income from employment during the crisis. While income
loss was most common among low-income families,
those with higher incomes were also negatively affected.
Economic hardship was even greater among particular
groups. People of color (Spriggs, 2021), low-wage service
workers (Gould and Kandra, 2021) and mothers (Heggeness,
et al., 2021) were hit especially hard. While it is true that in all
recessions some are hurt more than others, the severity of
this recession magnified the pain of the hardest hit groups.
Moreover, most families, even in the best of times, do not
have a sufficient financial buffer to weather a lost paycheck
(Bhutta et al., 2020). Without government aid, a collapse in
demand was inevitable.
Thankfully, policymakers went big, fast and broad. They
recognized the novel and the traditional features of this
crisis. In March 2020, Congress enacted the $2.2 trillion
Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES)
Act. It combined targeted relief, such as an extra $600 per
week for the unemployed, and broad-based support in
$1,200 stimulus checks per adult. By contrast, during the
Great Recession, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act was under $1 trillion, while the extra weekly payments were $25 and the checks $500 per adult.
The large response in the CARES Act worked. Larrimore
et al. (2021) found using Internal Revenue Service records
that these two relief programs more than replaced the lost
employment income for a typical worker with a large income loss due to the COVID-19 recession and provided
jobless benefits. Moreover, the support was greatest for
low-wage workers.
The coronavirus crisis had unique features, too. First and
foremost, it was caused by a pandemic. COVID-19 drove
the crisis from the start and will continue to until its end. In
response, Congress allocated billions of dollars in public
health efforts to fight the pandemic and develop a vac-
185
Forum
Figure 1
Many families lost income from work, fewer received
jobless benefits
Figure 2
CARES Act relief shielded low-income workers the
most from large income losses
Percent of families by household income in 2019
Percent of workers who had large income losses after including relief, by
deciles of income in 2019
$150,000 and
above
60
$75,000 to
$149,999
40
$35,000 to
$74,999
Great Recession: 2009
20
Under $35,000
COVID-19 recession: 2020
0
20
Received jobless benefits
40
60
80
Lost employment income
Source: U.S. Census Bureau Householding Pulse Survey for Dec. 9 to
Dec. 21, 2020.
cine. Another difference from the Great Recession is that
the fundamentals of the US economy and finances of
many families were the best they had been in decades.
Policymakers viewed their efforts as a bridge to the other
side of the pandemic. So, while income from employment
fell broadly, massive relief from the government was able
to keep many families afloat.
Some benefits, like enhanced unemployment insurance
and stimulus checks, even reached people who were
struggling before the coronavirus-induced crisis. Researchers at Columbia University estimate that the American Rescue Plan cut the poverty rate for children from
15% (without relief) to 6% (with the relief); among Black
and Hispanic families, the reductions were sizeable, too,
from around 20% to 10% (Parolin et al., 2021). Fiscal relief
worked, and it worked most for groups who entered the
COVID-19 crisis with the most economic challenges and
who were hit hardest by the crisis.
Use lessons from economic policies in this crisis to
prepare for future recessions
Go bigger, go faster, go broader – was the lesson from
the Great Recession when the policy response fell short.
Congress and the Federal Reserve delivered in the spring
of 2020. The $2 trillion CARES Act was twice the package
that was offered in 2009. Support from Congress waned
last summer as COVID-19 cases decreased but then the
surge in infection rates in late autumn and into the winter led to another $1 trillion in fiscal support at the end of
2020.
The big test remained. How committed are policymakers
to pushing a rapid recovery? (...truncated)