Government consumption in the DINA framework: allocation methods and consequences for post-tax income inequality
International Tax and Public Finance
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10797-024-09832-1
Government consumption in the DINA framework:
allocation methods and consequences for post‑tax income
inequality
Lukas Riedel1 · Holger Stichnoth1,2,3,4
Accepted: 8 February 2024
© The Author(s) 2024
Abstract
About half of government expenditure in the United States takes the form of government consumption (e.g., education, defense, infrastructure). In many studies of
post-tax inequality based on the Dina framework (including the influential study by
Piketty et al. (Q J Econ 133(2):553–609, 2018), government consumption is allocated either proportionally to post-tax disposable income or on a per-capita basis,
and the level of inequality is fairly sensitive to this choice. This paper provides direct
evidence on how public education spending (a substantial part of government consumption) is actually distributed. An allocation proportional to post-tax disposable
income is clearly rejected, while a lump-sum allocation is found to provide a good
approximation.
Keywords Inequality · Redistribution · Education · In-kind transfers
JEL Classification D31 · H41 · H52 · I24
We thank the editor David Agrawal, two anonymous referees, Christina Gathmann, Valentina
Melentyeva, Sebastian Siegloch, Michaela Slotwinski, and David Splinter as well as seminar
participants at Mannheim, Strasbourg, and ZEW, and conference participants at ECINEQ, IIPF, and
Verein für Socialpolitik for valuable comments and suggestions. Hanne Albig and Lena Göhringer
provided excellent research assistance.
* Holger Stichnoth
1
ZEW Mannheim, Mannheim, Germany
2
University of Strasbourg, Strasbourg, France
3
IZA Bonn, Bonn, Germany
4
Research Group Inequality and Public Policy, ZEW Mannheim, L7, 1, 68161 Mannheim,
Germany
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L. Riedel, H. Stichnoth
1 Introduction
The United States and many other countries have seen an increase in income inequality in recent decades that has received attention from academic researchers
and the general public alike. However, while there is a broad consensus about the
increase, there is a debate about its extent, in particular for post-tax income, i.e.,
income after taxes, transfers, and government expenditure (Auten & Splinter, 2024;
Bricker et al., 2016; Larrimore et al., 2021a; Piketty et al., 2018; Saez & Zucman,
2020; Splinter, 2020). The present paper contributes to this debate by showing that
the level of post-tax inequality is fairly sensitive to assumptions regarding the allocation of government expenditure, and by providing evidence on the actual distribution of public education spending, an important part of government expenditure.
The measurement of income inequality has traditionally relied on micro-data
from surveys or administrative tax records. These data, however, capture only
about 60% of macro totals from national accounts, so a substantial share of national
income has been missing from the debate about inequality. In an important contribution, Piketty et al. (2018) propose a method for constructing distributional national
accounts (Dina) that measure how the entire national income is distributed among
individuals. When computing post-tax income, this approach requires the allocation of the entirety of government expenditure to individuals. In recent years, about
half of government expenditure in the United States has taken the form of government consumption (e.g., education, defense, infrastructure); depending on the year,
this represents between 16% and 20% of national income.1 In their main specification, Piketty, Saez, and Zucman assume that government consumption is distributed
proportionally to post-tax disposable income, which corresponds to pre-tax income
minus all taxes plus all individualized monetary transfers, but excluding in-kind
transfers. This means that, by construction, an important part of national income
is assumed to be distributionally neutral. The Dina Guidelines (Alvaredo et al.,
2020) explicitly recognize the difficulty surrounding the allocation of government
consumption, calling it “approximate and exploratory.” As shown by Blanchet et al.
(2022), Bozio et al. (2022), and Bruil et al. (2022), the level of post-tax inequality is
fairly sensitive to this assumption. We confirm this for the US study by Piketty, Saez,
and Zucman. When we replace their proportionality assumption with a lump-sum
allocation, the Top 10% share of national income decreases by about 5 percentage
points, while the share of the Bottom 50% increases by roughly the same amount.2
1
See Appendix 1 for the definition and measurement of government consumption.
Piketty et al. (2018) themselves present a robustness check along these lines. However, they only
allocate education spending on a different basis, not the remaining parts of government consumption.
Moreover, they assign public education spending based on the number of children in the tax unit. This
means that spending on tertiary education is typically allocated to the parents who claim their children
as exemptions. As a result, the allocation is more regressive than when allocating the expenditure to tax
units of the students themselves, as we do in the present paper. Both approaches have their merits. However, we believe that allocating public education expenditure to the parents is a departure from the rest of
their paper, in which they allocate all items of national income to tax units without taking economic links
between these units into account. We will return to this point below. Finally, their robustness check does
not take differences in per-capita expenditure between the different education levels into account.
2
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Government consumption in the DINA framework: allocation…
As a result, the gap between the income shares of the Top 10% and the Bottom 50%
is reduced by half, from about 20–10 percentage points in the most recent years.3
In light of this sensitivity, the contribution of the present paper is to provide
direct evidence on how an important fraction of government consumption is actually distributed in the United States. We focus on public spending on education,
which makes up about 30% of government consumption and 5% of national income
in most OECD countries, and is much easier to assign individually than defense or
infrastructure expenditure. Our paper is part of a series of recent studies on the allocation of in-kind transfers in the Dina framework (Insee 2021 for France, Bruil et al.
2022 for the Netherlands, Chatterjee et al. 2023 for South Africa, and De Rosa et al.
2022 for Latin America).
Our data for the United States are from the 2017 wave of the American Community Survey (ACS). In addition to the large sample size (about 3.2 M individuals in
1.4 M households), the ACS has the advantage that participants are legally obligated
to answer the survey questions. The ACS has information on whether household
members are currently in education, and, importantly for our purpo (...truncated)