From collecting to cultivation: transitions to a production economy in the Near East
George Willcox
0
1
2
Mark Nesbitt
0
1
2
Felix Bittmann
0
1
2
0
F. Bittmann Lower Saxony Institute for Historical Coastal Research
, Viktoriastr. 26/28, 26382 Wilhelmshaven,
Germany
1
M. Nesbitt Herbarium,
Royal Botanic Gardens
, Kew,
Richmond
, Surrey TW9 3AB,
UK
2
G. Willcox (&) Archeorient, UMR 5133, CNRS Jale`s, 07460 St-Paul-le-Jeune,
France
The selected articles in the current issue throw new light on our understanding of how Homo sapiens became caught in the agriculture trap in the Near East. They are the outcome of the session entitled 'Origins of agriculture in the Near East' held at the 15th IWGP conference in Wilhelmshaven 2010. The subject is constantly being revised as new information and more refined analyses become available, so these papers provide a state of the art in 2010/2011. Each major discovery adds complexity to what has become a multi-faceted puzzle with data being drawn from disciplines as wide apart as archaeology and genetics, plant biology and palaeo-climatology. In this issue papers concentrate on results obtained from charred plant remains and their interpretation. During the last half of the 20th century ground-breaking scholars like Hans Helbaek, Daniel Zohary, Maria Hopf, Willem van Zeist and Gordon Hillman made major contributions (Zohary and Hopf 1973; Helbaek 1959; Hillman 1984; Van Zeist and Bakker-Heeres 1982). Daniel Zohary combined genetics and information from living progenitors with Maria Hopf's archaeobotanical knowledge to help explain the domestication of plants in the Near East. Willem van Zeist pioneered the
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identification and sampling of charred seeds from early
Neolithic sites while Gordon Hillman developed
interpretive tools for the subject. Their findings opened up avenues
for hypothesizing as to how, when and why, in south west
Asia, humans started systematically cultivating a selection
of grain crops. In the 1980s and 1990s the puzzle appeared
quite simple because it was composed of few elements and
so scholars hypothesized using straightforward
deterministic scenarios and models citing climate change, or
population growth, or over-exploitation as possible factors
which encouraged humans to adopt cultivation. Today the
central elements of these hypotheses are still valid, but with
hindsight simple hypotheses are no longer plausible given
the archaeological and environmental diversity within the
Fertile Crescent. This complex diversity is exemplified by
the vast geographical area where transition sites are
located, which spans different climate and vegetation zones.
Thus, sites in the north of the Fertile Crescent are 1,000 km
from those in the south and likewise in the eastwest
direction. Archaeological diversity is exemplified by the
extended chronological range of transition sites. We can
trace the use of wild cereals back to about 23,000 years ago
when habitations consisted of simple brush huts to villages
with sophisticated architecture associated with the earliest
domesticated cereals 12,500 years later.
The transition to a production based economy was acted
out on a vast stage of multi-dimensional cultural
developments. Archaeological and archaeobotanical discoveries
represent only narrow windows providing unconnected
fleeting glimpses of human subsistence economies. Gaps in
the archaeological record may result from lack of survey
work but also because early Neolithic sites are often buried
beneath large Bronze Age mounds, for example at Tell el
Kerkh, Motza, Tell Qaramel and Cheik Hassan. Others
may be covered by post occupation alluvial sediments.
Despite these limitations our understanding of this vital
period of human history is improving as the seven papers
presented in this volume demonstrate.
Over the past 20 years a great deal of new
archaeobotanical and archaeological information has been collected
concerning this key development for the history of
humanity. Here, we highlight just a few of these
discoveries in relation to papers presented. For example the
exceptional discoveries and detailed analyses of charred
remains by Mordechai Kislev from sites such as Ohalo II
and Netiv Hagdud (Kislev 1997) in the southern Levant, or
finds which show that some crops were abandoned
(Melamed et al. 2008). In this volume Chantel White and Cheryl
Makarewicz add new information from southern Jordan
with their results from the site of el-Hemmeh, while Eleni
Asouti and Dorian Fuller have provided a much needed
regional review for the area. Whereas the southern Levant
is the location of key sites excavated in the 1960s and
1970s, such as Jericho and Tell Aswad, most of the major
new datasets of the last two decades, with the notable
exceptions of Ohalo II and Netiv Hagdud, have come from
the northern Fertile Crescent. In large part this is because
of dam-building and associated salvage archaeology along
the Euphrates, leading to more sites being excavated in the
north. Large-scale flotation of comparable, relatively large
sites, would be highly desirable in the southern Levant,
particularly in the light of increasing evidence for diverse
pathways to agriculture within different zones of the Fertile
Crescent (Fuller et al. 2011, see also Kuijt and Finlayson
2009). In the northern Fertile Crescent the unearthing of
the monumental sculptured monoliths at Go bekli Tepe and
complex food processing rooms provided a glimpse into
the cultural sophistication associated with early cereal use
(Neef 2003; Willcox 2002). New information from this
area is provided by Simone Riehl et al. with results from
their analyses at Kortik Tepe. In northern Syria sites dated
to the beginning of the Holocene such as Tell Qaramel, and
Euphrates sites such as Jerf el Ahmar, Djade and Tell Abr
show a surprisingly dense concentration with the
possibility of pre-domestic cultivation (Willcox et al. 2008). The
recognition of sites where morphologically wild cereals
were cultivated was first proposed by Willem van Zeist and
Gordon Hillman. Sue Colledge pioneered work on arable
weeds as indicators of cultivation of wild pulses and
cereals (Hillman et al. 2001; Colledge et al. 2004; Colledge
and Conolly 2010). Now there are at least 10 sites where
archaeobotanical evidence suggests pre-domestic
cultivation. In this volume George Willcox develops this theme
by comparing a restricted number of weed taxa from a wide
chronological range of sites. The question of When and
where did domesticated cereals first occur in southwest
Asia?, the title of Mark Nesbitts much-cited 2002 paper
is still a hot subject. Then, Tanno and Willcox attempt to
provide better criteria for identifying morphological
domestication which they apply to a number of sites. Their
first paper on the subject published in 2006 provided new
data for the debate on How fast was wild wheat
domesticated?. The archaeobotanical data, including Van Zeists
early work, demonstrates that mixtures of wild and
domestic crops were used together, suggesting slow rates
of domestication. Genetics (...truncated)