Loneliness of Older Immigrant Groups in Canada: Effects of Ethnic-Cultural Background

Loneliness of Older Immigrant Groups in Canada: Effects of Ethnic-Cultural Background Jenny De Jong Gierveld 0 1 2 3 4 Suzan Van der Pas 0 1 2 3 4 Norah Keating 0 1 2 3 4 0 Department of Human Ecology, University of Alberta , Edmonton , Canada 1 Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, EMGO Institute for Health and Care Research, VU University Medical Center , Amsterdam , The Netherlands 2 Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute (NIDI) , P.O. Box 11650, 2502 AR The Hague , The Netherlands 3 Africa Unit for Transdisciplinary Health Research (AUTHeR), North-West University , Potchefstroom , South Africa 4 Centre for Innovative Ageing, Swansea University , Swansea , UK This study aimed to explore the loneliness of several groups of older immigrants in Canada compared to native-born older adults. Data from the Canadian General Social Survey, Cycle 22 (N older adults = 3,692) were used. The dependent variable is the 6 item De Jong Gierveld loneliness scale. Determinants of loneliness included country of birth, ethnic background (cultural context); belongingness (community context) and social networks (social context). Results showed that only some immigrant groups are significantly lonelier than older adults born in Canada. Immigrants with similar language and culture are not lonelier; while those from countries that differ in native language/culture are significantly higher on loneliness. Multivariate analyses showed the importance of cultural background, of composition of the network of relatives and friends, and of local participation and feelings of belonging to the Canadian society in explaining loneliness of older immigrants. Canada; Ethnic background; Immigrants; Loneliness; Older adults - * Jenny De Jong Gierveld BIn aging, we long for what we have left behind. I call this aging in a foreign land^ (Kalache 2013). In an increasingly global world, the experience of aging in a foreign land is part of the latelife experience of many older adults. Kalaches statement is especially relevant in countries that have long histories of immigration. Canada is one such country. Since the 19th century, it has been one of the main receiving countries, yearly welcoming thousands of immigrants (George 2006). The proportion of immigrants in Canada who are aged 65 years and older has increased over the decades, from less than 6 % in 1921 to 18 % in 1996 (Boyd and Vickers 2000), and almost 20 % in 2011 (Statistics Canada 2011a, b). A striking feature of Canadas older population is that immigrants now comprise 30 % of all Canadians aged 65+. International migration is a salient life course transition that may influence trajectories of connections to family, friends and communities (Treas and Batlova 2009). Migration can affect the likelihood of continuity of relationships with members of ones kin network and the potential for optimizing and diversifying social contacts in the new environment (Ajrouch et al. 2005). Developing friendships in a new country, especially friendships outside the circle of ones own ethnic group may be challenging, especially if one lacks fluency in the language of the receiving country (Wong et al. 2005). Further, while engagement in community activities and organizations are seen as a core element of active aging (Walker 2009), the intersectionalities of immigrant status, language/culture can result in the exclusion of some older persons (Keating and Scharf 2012; Viruell-Fuentes et al. 2012). Given the high proportion of older adults in Canada who are immigrants, it seems important to better understand how immigration might influence the connectedness of migrants to people and communities as they navigate the latter part of their lives. In this study we address this question through examining factors associated with loneliness for immigrants and native born older persons. International Migration and Loneliness International migration is a process that encompasses many challenges and uncertainties related to adapting to new living and working circumstances. The impetus for international migration may emanate from economic factors including better employment opportunities; from political factors such as wars or systematic discrimination in the sending country; or from family reunification. Each may differentially influence potential for adaptation to the new environment (Castles et al. 2014). Moreover, the decision to start international migration may not be that of an individual migrant but a broader household strategy to improve well-being, increase income, and raise investment capital of all household members (De Haas and Fokkema 2010). Among the many challenges facing immigrants is the creation of a sense of place in the new country (Lewis 2009). Developing satisfying relationships with others is an important component of becoming grounded in a new place. People carry with them expectations and standards regarding the size, composition and functioning of their networks (De Jong Gierveld 1987). Meeting these expectations with new people in a new setting cannot be assumed but depends on cultural background as well as personal characteristics and environmental contexts. We are just beginning to tease out the relative importance of these characteristics and contexts in influencing later-life connectedness and loneliness of immigrants. For example, in a recent study of older Canadians, Wu and Penning (2015) found that immigrants have higher levels of loneliness than native-born Canadians, supporting the contention that immigrant status is important in understanding late-life loneliness. Importantly, they call for better understanding of the diversity among older adults thus avoiding assumptions that immigration per se is a risk factor for loneliness. Loneliness has been defined as an unpleasant experience resulting from a persons evaluation that their network of social relations is inadequate in either its quantity or quality (De Jong Gierveld 1987; Perlman and Peplau 1981). An important element of this definition is that it is grounded in the experience of the individual. There is no optimal size or set of relationships in a social network. Rather, loneliness occurs when individuals evaluation of their network falls short of their wishes for the network. Loneliness of older adults has become an issue of considerable international concern because of its links to poor health, negative changes in living circumstances and social exclusion (Newall et al. 2014; Scharf and Keating 2012). Its prevalence among older people in the UK has prompted a national campaign to reduce its incidence and negative effects (Campaign to End Loneliness 2011). There is a growing body of evidence that rates of loneliness differ across countries, in part because of cultural standards related to expectations of kinship and friendship relationships (e.g., Van Tilburg et al. 2004). Yet to our knowledge there has been no exploration of within-country variations i (...truncated)