Risk aversion and inequity aversion in demand for unemployment benefits
Int Tax Public Finance (2017) 24:198–220
DOI 10.1007/s10797-016-9420-5
Risk aversion and inequity aversion in demand for
unemployment benefits
Peter G. Backus1,2 · Alejandro Esteller-Moré2,3
Published online: 29 July 2016
© The Author(s) 2016. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com
Abstract This paper is an empirical study of what motivates net contributors to support redistributive policies. While studies in the area have tended to consider broad
measures of inequality and support for redistribution in general, we focus on a single,
salient relationship between local unemployment rates and demand for spending on
unemployment benefits. Using a particularity of the Spanish labour market, we estimate how workers’ stated preferences for unemployment benefits spending respond
to changes in the local unemployment rate. We then decompose this response into the
part explained by risk aversion, and thus demand for insurance, and the part explained
by inequity aversion. Our results suggest that increases in local unemployment rates
lead to increased demand by workers for unemployment benefits spending. Moreover,
our results are consistent with an insurance motive driving this relationship but provide
little support for inequity aversion. Our results suggest that studies of the relationship
between inequality and demand for redistribution might benefit from considering both
the source and measure of the inequality and the instrument of redistribution.
Keywords Preferences for redistribution · Unemployment · Unemployment benefits
JEL Classification D64 · H53 · H77
B
Peter G. Backus
1
University of Manchester, Oxford Road, M13 9PL Manchester, UK
2
Institut d’Economia de Barcelona (IEB), c/ John M. Keynes, 1-11, 08034 Barcelona, Spain
3
Facultat d’Economia i Empresa, Universitat de Barcelona, c/ John M. Keynes, 1-11,
08034 Barcelona, Spain
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1 Introduction
One of the main roles of modern governments is the redistribution of income. There
is a growing literature in economics which seeks to understand just why it is that
net contributors to a redistributive system support it (Boeri et al. 2001). Nearly every
OECD country has a degree of progressiveness in their income tax system (OECD
2008, p. 112) designed to redistribute income from the better off to the worse off
indicating a preference among the population for redistribution. Some of the research
in this area has shown that the source of the inequality can play a role in determining
the degree to which people support redistribution. However, much of the literature on
redistributive preferences has focused on a general conception of these preferences and
subsequent demand for redistribution. We consider redistributive preferences within
the context of a single redistributive instrument: unemployment benefits.
In general, the specific policy instrument used to redress inequality has been ignored
when studying people’s preferences for redistribution. But the policy instrument is an
essential part of the question of redistributive preferences. Piketty (1996) notes “individuals might well share the same ‘values’ as far as distributive justice is concerned,
but…they disagree about the way actual inequality between individuals is generated”
(p. 8). Where people disagree about the source of inequality, they will likely also disagree about the policy best suited to redress the inequality. It is therefore essential to
consider redistributive preferences within the context of a particular instrument since
the underlying reasons for why a person supports redistribution might vary from one
instrument, say transfers to the poor, to another, say unemployment benefits.
In this paper, we examine the relationship between changes in the income distribution, as measured by changes to the unemployment rate, and stated preferences
for unemployment benefits. Economists have identified a number of potential motivations underlying support for redistribution like demand for insurance and inequity
aversion, and Alesina and Giuliano (2011) note that the empirical disentanglement of
these motives is difficult, albeit not ‘fatally’ so. We address this challenge directly and
seek to contribute to the empirical work on redistributive preferences (e.g. Dahlberg
et al. 2012; Luttmer and Singhal 2011; Guillaud 2013), using a newly constructed data
set and a particularity of the Spanish labour market whereby public sector workers
enjoy nearly inviolable job security. We estimate the effect of individual unemployment risk and of the local unemployment rate on workers’ declared preferences for
redistribution via one instrument: unemployment benefits. We then decompose that
effect into the part explained by risk aversion and demand for insurance and the part
explained by inequity aversion. Our results suggest that in this case it is demand for
insurance that drives declared preferences for redistribution. We find no evidence that
inequity aversion plays a role in determining people’s preferences for redistribution
via unemployment benefits.
Studying the unemployment rate/benefits relationship may provide deeper insight
into preferences for redistribution given the saliency of the two. Gimpelson and Treisman (2015) find that there are systematic differences between the perceived and actual
level of income inequality when considering income shares. Kuziemko et al. (2015)
argue that demand for general redistribution might not be too intense because people
are unlikely to be aware of the level and changes in some more general inequality
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metric. Atkinson (2015) also raises the issue of the saliency of changes in income distributions. He notes that a change in the Gini of at least 3 % points may be necessary
to be salient. Such a large change generally takes years if not decades to be realised,
perhaps reducing the salience of the overall change. Ashok et al. (2016) use broad
questions about redistributive preferences1 and inequality2 and find little evidence
that rising inequality in the USA has led to increased demand for redistribution over
the past 40 years. It is arguable that the absence of any effect in their study is due to the
in-salient nature of changes to measures like the Gini or percentile ratios. The level of
unemployment, however, is a clearly visible, often reported and simple to comprehend
variable making it more likely that individuals will recognise any change and respond,
assuming that they respond at all. Moreover, in the case of unemployment, the instrument (unemployment benefits) and the target of the redistribution (the unemployed)
are inextricably linked making it simpler to analyse the relationship between the two.
While focusing on unemployment goes some way towards addressing issues of
salience, it does so at the cost of generality. Our results tell us something about the
relationship between unemployment and (...truncated)