The Law Council of Australia Policy 2001 on the Process of Judicial Appointments: Any Good News for Future Female Judicial Appointees?
The Law Council Of Australia Policy
2001 On The Process Of Judicial
Appointments: Any Good News For
Future Female Judicial Appointees?
Barbara Hamilton
*
Introduction
The simple answer to this question is there is some good news for future female judicial
appointees (or appointees of non-dominant background), but this good news comes with
many caveats. The highlighting of some serves to indicate at the outset that the good
news is limited. The emphasis on female is to illustrate that the argument of this article
is not just about extension of the judicial franchise to more women, but also to those
persons who do not fit the dominant norms for judicial office. Indeed the aim of much
feminist scholarship is not just to examine issues relating to women’s inequality and
law, but to demonstrate the reality of unequal treatment within the legal system for
many “others”1 or groups who are non-dominant in the system, eg the poor, the queer,
the Indigenous.
It is the purpose of this article to examine the strengths of a new Law Council of
Australia (LCA) Policy2 on judicial appointments as well as its flaws and shortcomings.
Some recommendations will be made regarding its prospective implementation by State
and federal Attorneys-General. This is likely to be on the political agenda in 2001 and
*
1
2
Associate Lecturer, Law School, Faculty of Law, Queensland University of Technology,
Brisbane, Queensland. I would like to acknowledge the valuable research assistance of QUT
Senior Research Assistant, Anne Overell and QUT law student, Deanne Wilden, and the helpful
comments of Professor Margaret Thornton and the anonymous referees. A version of this paper
was presented to F-Law (Feminist Legal Academics Workshop) 2001: Praxis and Politics –
Moving Forward in Difficult Times Conference, February 15-16 2001 at QUT Faculty of Law,
Brisbane.
This term has been used by many academic writers, including Margaret Thornton, whose work is
referred to extensively in this article, in particular Dissonance and Distrust: Women in the Legal
Profession, Oxford University Press 1996.
The Policy was released on 28 January, 2001. It is available on the LCA website at
<www.lawcouncil.asn.au>. The LCA website indicates that at a meeting on 30 June 2001 it was
decided to make certain amendments to this policy. Details of these amendments had not been
released at the time this article went to publication. Valuable feedback on the new policy was
obtained from participants, who included many leading feminist legal academics, at the Feminist
Legal Academics Workshop 2001 (supra *).
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BARBARA HAMILTON
(2001)
beyond as the issue of criteria for judicial office and ‘merit’ entered the public arena in
the past few years and particularly so in 20003 after a decade of debate in academic,
political and other circles.4
At face value, the LCA Policy does extend the judicial franchise well beyond those who
have been ‘traditionally anointed’ (ie senior male commercial barristers)5 in the past –
but the question must be asked: does it extend it far enough? The policy demonstrates
that change on judicial appointments has finally occurred within the legal profession.
However, it has taken 80 years to achieve this change in the goalposts - women in most
States having gained the right to practise law in the early 1920’s. Questions must still be
asked - will the policy lead speedily to a more representative Australian judiciary or is it
going to require another 80 years of evolution before this is a reality? Are more
aggressive affirmative action policies necessary? Is a principle of ‘parity’, which
requires quotas based on eg sex, or ethnic background, needed?
The answer to all these questions will depend on how, if and when each State and
federal Attorney-General implements this new Policy (or something similar emanating
from other sources, eg State Law Reform Commissions). Sensitively developed and
implemented, there is the prospect of a more ‘inclusive’ and representative judiciary
with a 21st century understanding of equality before the law; conservatively
implemented, there is the prospect of ‘more of the same’- what some have termed a
“cloned judiciary”.6 Thus, it is the manner of implementation that is crucial. However, it
is a golden opportunity, because it is a chance to change the goal-posts with the mandate
of LCA policy. It stands to reason that change which occurs with some degree of
acceptance from ‘insiders’ (legal professionals) and does not involve the disruption and
negative perceptions of affirmative action policies and even more so quotas, is more
likely to be long-lasting and effective.7
The LCA Policy
The LCA Policy sets out explicitly a process for developing a protocol for judicial
appointments at both State and Federal level (with the exception of appointments to the
High Court). The Policy provides a model for developing this protocol. There are two
attachments incorporated in the Policy: attachment A listing the attributes of candidates
for judicial office, and attachment B listing the office holders to be consulted prior to
3
4
5
6
7
See for instance ‘Forget Judge’s Gender: Gibbs’, The Weekend Australian, February 12-13 2000; J
Scutt, ‘No merit to endemic sexism in the legal system’, The Australian , 19 July 2000 at 13.
See in particular: Attorney-General Michael Lavarch, Discussion Paper: ‘Judicial AppointmentsProcedure and Criteria’ September 1993; Justice Tasmania, Discussion Paper: ‘Judicial
Appointments in Tasmania’ August 1999 and references to Australian academic literature
discussed in this paper.
To the best of my knowledge, research is not available that has compiled comprehensive
information on background of judicial appointees (for example information including areas of
practice, ethnic background or sexual orientation). However it seems well accepted in legal
circles that until the last few years, many appointments to superior courts were of senior male
commercial barristers.
Baroness Helena Kennedy described the process of appointment in one’s own mould as “cloning”,
as reported in C McGlynn, (1998) New Law Journal 597 at 598.
This was the view expressed by almost all authors (‘major players’ of legal system reform) in H
Stacy and M Lavarch, Beyond the Adversarial System, Federation Press 1999. It has been beyond
the scope of this article to examine the substantial body of literature relating to the impact of the
implementation of affirmative action policies.
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The Law Council of Australia Policy 2001
actual appointment. The Policy encourages State and Federal Attorneys-General to
publish their own judicial appointment protocols, drawing on (but not restricted to) the
model set out in the Policy. The attributes of candidates for judicial office cover three
areas – legal knowledge and experience, professional qualities, and personal qualities.
In requiring qualities beyond traditional requirements of legal knowledge and
experience, it is bel (...truncated)