Recent Trends in Behavioral Environmental Economics
Environ Resource Econ (2017) 67:403–411
DOI 10.1007/s10640-017-0162-3
PREFACE
Recent Trends in Behavioral Environmental Economics
Martin Kesternich1 · Christiane Reif1 ·
Dirk Rübbelke2
Published online: 1 June 2017
© Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017
1 Introduction
The first fundamental theorem of standard welfare economics states that any equilibrium
achieved by a competitive market leads to a Pareto efficient allocation of resources. Yet,
due to market failures, inefficiencies regularly occur. As Cornes (2016: p 339) points out
a “decentralized market equilibrium is likely to be inefficient as a consequence of various
externalities, or spillovers.” Individual incentives are often at odds with collective group
interest being described as the “impossibility of decentralized spontaneous solutions”, which
are optimal (Samuelson 1954: p. 388). The domain of environmental economics looks back
on a long history of developing solutions to these market failures (Shogren and Taylor 2008).
Externalities and environmental public goods provide typical examples for market failures in
environmental economics (e.g. Fullerton and Stavins 1998). Instruments established through
government intervention may help to overcome such social dilemma situations and to prevent
an inefficient allocation of resources. However, in many situations formal top-down regulation
is far from being easy to implement or may even be impossible. In the case of global public
goods no central international authority exists being able to enforce such interventions among
sovereign countries (see e.g. Barrett 1994; Kaul et al. 1999; Altemeyer-Bartscher et al. 2010;
Löschel and Rübbelke 2014; Kaul 2017). This in turn means that voluntary action becomes
crucial even though only second best solutions might be reached.
Researchers and policy makers are interested in how to stimulate such voluntary action
through appropriate incentives. From an economic point of view, such behavior involves
B Dirk Rübbelke
Martin Kesternich
Christiane Reif
1
Centre for European Economic Research (ZEW), L7,1, 68161 Mannheim, Germany
2
Technische Universität Bergakademie Freiberg , Schloßplatz 1, 09599 Freiberg, Germany
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acting against one’s strict self-interest in many decision situations. The canonical economic
model of behavior is based on the idea of ‘homo oeconomicus’. As, for instance, formulated
by Kirchgäßner (2008: 9), the homo oeconomicus is based on the two central assumptions of
fully rational and purely self-interested behavior. The critique concerning the idea of homo
oeconomicus exhibits various facets and is therefore rather divergent.
As an example, the orthodox and classical rationality assumption is largely assessed to be
violated in many situations (Doucouliagos 1994). Yet, as Doucouliagos (1994: 879) points
out, bounded rationality “[…] does not alter the essentially rational nature of Homo Economicus; it merely redefines the boundaries of rationality.” Understanding these boundaries
of rational behavior is key to design applicable instruments in the field of environmental
economics. At the same time, economic experiments provide evidence of individuals acting
not entirely selfish but caring about fairness in many economic settings. These observations
have inspired the theoretical literature to include fairness motives into the utility framework
(see e.g. Meier 2006 for an overview).
The behavioral economics literature challenges the concept(s) of homo oeconomics and its
two main pillars of characterization—self-interest and rationality. Inter alia, Fehr and Gächter
(1998) paired the homo oeconomicus with the so-called ‘homo reciprocans’, a person whose
behavior is influenced by the idea of reciprocity. Besides the research field on self-interest,
there is also a broad field of research on the rationality assumption. Camerer and Fehr (2006)
point out that the (unbounded) rationality assumption builds on two aspects, namely correct
beliefs—the judgement of an event or others’ behavior—and decision-making according to
own preferences based on these beliefs. In turn, the limits in humans’ cognitive abilities lead to
deviations in both components (Mullainathan and Thaler 2000). Simon (1955) denoted these
cognitive constraints as bounded rationality. Camerer (1999) summarizes how the findings of
experimental work by psychologists and economists have contributed to behavioral principles
and links them to the corresponding economic standard theory. In this regard, he refers to
four concepts: expected utility and prospect theory, equilibrium and learning, discounting
utility and hyperbolic discounting, payoff maximization and social utility. These research
areas are taken up by later survey articles on the topics of behavioral economics (see e.g.
Mullainathan and Thaler 2000; Venkatachalam 2008; Pesendorfer 2006; Shogren et al. 2010;
Gsottbauer and van den Bergh 2011) and are still subject of theoretical and empirical research
aiming either at providing general applicable descriptions of human behavior or at explaining
individuals’ actions in specific contexts. As Carlsson and Johansson-Stenman (2012) point
out the main policy concerns in the environmental context are about externalities and not
about bounded rationality or willpower. However, Croson and Treich (2014) stress that the
complexity of environmental concerns, especially the long time perspective and the global
dimension, might be the breeding ground for bounded rational behavior. The importance
of behavioral economics for environmental economics is taken up by survey articles with
different focus areas (see e.g. Brekke and Johansson-Stenman 2008; Shogren and Taylor
2008; Venkatachalam 2008; Shogren et al. 2010; Carlsson and Johansson-Stenman 2012;
Croson and Treich 2014).
In these survey articles the authors discuss how far the standard model is applicable.
Brekke and Johansson-Stenman (2008) emphasize that especially the findings concerning risk
attitudes and preferences over time are particularly relevant in the context of climate change.
Venkatachalam (2008) focuses on environmental policy and argues that policy failures are
partly driven by neglecting behavioral aspects when applying policy interventions. Shogren
and Taylor (2008) explain that standard theory cannot adequately predict actual behavior
in the environmental context as soon as markets fail and people do not behave as homines
oeconomici. This is because rationality in economics is a social construct defined by market-
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like arbitrage (see e.g. Arrow 1986). However, Shogren et al. (2010) argue that the standard
theory can still provide as useful upper benchmark acting as comparison for revealed behavior.
Brekke and Johansson-Stenman (2008) as well as Carlsson and Johansson-Stenman (2012)
stress the social context as an additional factor—besides individuals’ non material motivat (...truncated)