Environmental Taxes and the Double-Dividend Hypothesis: Did You Really Expect Something for Nothing
Chicago-Kent Law Review
Volume 73
Issue 1 Symposium on Second-Best Theory and Law &
Economics
Article 6
December 1997
Environmental Taxes and the Double-Dividend
Hypothesis: Did You Really Expect Something for
Nothing
Don Fullerton
Gilbert E. Metcalf
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Recommended Citation
Don Fullerton & Gilbert E. Metcalf, Environmental Taxes and the Double-Dividend Hypothesis: Did You Really Expect Something for
Nothing, 73 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 221 (1998).
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ENVIRONMENTAL TAXES AND THE DOUBLE-DIVIDEND
HYPOTHESIS: DID YOU REALLY EXPECT
SOMETHING FOR NOTHING?*
DON FULLERTON** AND GILBERT E. METCALF***
INTRODUCTION
Generally speaking, the "double-dividend hypothesis" suggests
that increased taxes on polluting activities can provide two kinds of
benefits. The first dividend is an improvement in the environment,
and the second dividend is an improvement in economic efficiency
from the use of environmental tax revenues to reduce other taxes such
as income taxes that distort labor supply and saving decisions. These
income tax distortions reduce the efficiency of the market economy,
as estimates suggest that an additional dollar of revenue from the income tax imposes a burden on the private sector of about $1.35. The
35-cent difference is an "excess burden." In contrast, a tax on pollution can increase the efficiency of the private sector by making the
producer face the full social costs of each polluting activity. Thus, the
second dividend is a reduction in excess burden.
To many, this proposition seems obvious. The policy debate has
focused on specific pollutants that could readily be taxed, and specific
taxes with high excess burden that could readily be reduced. Yet the
academic debate has focused on the general validity of such a proposition. As described below, several important papers have shown that
the environmental tax has its own distorting effects on labor supply
and therefore can have the same excess burden as a tax on labor income. Thus, the double-dividend hypothesis is said to fail.
* We are grateful for helpful comments and suggestions from Charles Ballard, Larry
Goulder, Ian Parry, Kerry Smith, and J. Hoult Verkerke. The first author is grateful for financial
support from a grant of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA R824740-01-0), and the
second author is grateful for financial support from a grant of the National Science Foundation
("NSF") to the National Bureau of Economic Research ("NBER") (NSF SBR-9514989). This
paper is part of NBER's research program in Public Economics. Any opinions expressed are
those of the authors and not those of the EPA, the NSF, or the NBER.
** Addison Baker Duncan Centennial Professor of Economics at the University of Texas,
and a Research Associate with the NBER in Cambridge, Mass. From 1985 to 1987, he served as
Deputy Assistant Secretary of the U.S. Treasury for Tax Analysis.
*** Associate Professor of Economics at Tufts University, and a Research Associate with
the NBER in Cambridge, Mass. Professor Metcalf's areas of research interest include tax policy,
energy, and environmental economics.
CHICAGO-KENT LAW REVIEW
[Vol. 73:221
In this paper, we make four main points. First, the validity of the
double-dividend hypothesis cannot logically be settled as a general
matter. Clearly, under some conditions, a particular reform might be
able to improve the environment and improve the tax system by reducing some particularly egregious existing tax. Equally clear is that
some other misguided reforms would not. Each proposal must be
evaluated individually. The important point is that this evaluation
must fully specify the policies already in place as well as the reform
under consideration. If this polluting activity is already taxed at a rate
higher than the "optimal" rate, taking all considerations into account,
then any suggested increase is not warranted. Even if it is taxed at a
low rate, or not at all, the polluting activity might already be subject to
other regulatory restrictions. Existing policies are crucial to understanding the benefits of any proposed reform. Moreover, the reform
itself needs to be fully specified: Is this tax added on top of existing
regulatory restrictions, or does it replace those restrictions? And how
will the revenue be used? In this regard, an important contribution of
the double-dividend debate is that the proposal to add an environmental tax is only half of a proposal, because the reform must also
specify whether the revenue goes to deficit reduction, a specific spending program, or a specific tax reduction.
Therefore, when we review some of the early and recent literature pertaining to the double-dividend hypothesis, we organize the
discussion around two questions: What are the existing policies in
place before the reform? And what exactly is the reform? Some of
the papers do not address both of these questions, which leaves the
double-dividend hypothesis inadequately specified. Then, without a
well-articulated proposition, they proceed to argue its validity.
Strictly speaking, the second dividend from an environmental tax
reform is a reduction in excess burden from the entire tax system. As
we show below, however, much of the literature has emphasized the
importance of raising revenue in order to obtain this second dividend.
Our second main point is that this focus on revenue is misplaced. A
well-designed reform may generate environmental benefits, and it
may reduce other existing distortions, but those outcomes are entirely
unrelated to whether it raises revenue. We describe a non-revenueraising type of command-and-control regulation that has identical economic effects to the combination of an environmental tax increase and
income tax reduction. We also describe a revenue-losing environmental subsidy (financed by an increase in the income tax) that has identical economic effects to a revenue-raising environmental tax (with
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DOUBLE-DIVIDEND HYPOTHESIS
revenue used to reduce the income tax). If designed to affect behavior in the same way, all three have identical economic effects. The
choice among these three policies then depends on considerations
other than revenue, such as which policy is easier to administer, easier
to enforce, or easier to enact.
To make clear that revenue-raising cannot be the key to economic benefits, consider how the revenue is generated. That money
must come from somewhere and impose costs on somebody. It is not
free money. The impact of the reform depends on the extent to which
polluting activit (...truncated)