Deterring Transfer Pricing Abuse: Changing Incentives As a Practical Alternative to a Global Tax Regime
Washington University Global Studies Law Review
Volume 10
Issue 4
2011
Deterring Transfer Pricing Abuse: Changing Incentives As a
Practical Alternative to a Global Tax Regime
David A. Osborne
Washington University School of Law
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Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Taxation-Transnational Commons
Recommended Citation
David A. Osborne, Deterring Transfer Pricing Abuse: Changing Incentives As a Practical Alternative to a
Global Tax Regime, 10 WASH. U. GLOBAL STUD. L. REV. 813 (2011),
https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_globalstudies/vol10/iss4/6
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DETERRING TRANSFER PRICING ABUSE:
CHANGING INCENTIVES AS A PRACTICAL
ALTERNATIVE TO A GLOBAL TAX REGIME
I. INTRODUCTION
Recent tax scandals have involved individuals hiding money in offshore accounts, hopefully never to be discovered by the U.S. Internal
Revenue Service (“IRS”). This conduct is clearly illegal. Multinational
businesses, however, have been avoiding taxes by moving money
internationally for decades. The difference between a company’s tax
avoidance procedures and illegal tax evasion is that these multinational
businesses have become very adept at remaining within the letter of the
law in various nations when shifting income.
Transfer pricing is a practice whereby companies use transactions
between different corporate units to shift income between jurisdictions for
the purpose of reducing the company’s overall tax burden.1 An
international company can theoretically choose to pay income taxes in the
country of its choice by shifting income from one unit of the company
located in a country with a relatively high corporate income tax rate to
another unit located elsewhere with a lower tax rate. As might be
expected, the “high tax” countries are not content to stand idly by as their
tax base erodes out from underneath their feet. The United States, as one
of the relatively higher-tax countries, has enacted a variety of laws and
regulations to try to ensure that international companies accurately
apportion their income among the countries where they conduct business.2
1. See BLACK’S LAW DICTIONARY 1309 (9th ed. 2009). The following is an example of how a
transfer pricing scheme might work:
[A] company . . . that makes widgets [creates] a subsidiary, S1, to perform the actual
manufacturing in high-tax country A. The widgets cost $60 to produce. S1 sells the widgets
for $62 to a related company, S2, which is a resident in tax haven Country B. S2 sells the
widgets for $80 to S3, yet another related company residing in the United States. S3
distributes the widgets throughout the U.S. market, selling them to unrelated U.S. customers
at an average of $90, after incurring expenses of about $5 per widget. Of the $25 of combined
profits per widget, S1 reports and pays taxes on $2 in A. S3 pays taxes on its profit of $ 5 per
widget in the United States. S2 reports $18 of the profit and is taxable only in B, which levies
very little tax.
Julie Roin, Can The Income Tax Be Saved? The Promise and Pitfalls of Adopting World-Wide
Formulary Apportionment, 61 TAX L. REV. 169, 181 (2008).
2. The beginning of this long maze of rules can be found at I.R.C. § 482 (2006), which provides
the overarching goal of preventing tax evasion through accurately apportioning income between
entities that conduct transactions with each other. See discussion infra Part II.B.
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While the intended legal framework for transfer pricing is not difficult
to define in broad strokes, the actual detailed implementation of the
necessary laws and regulations in each nation has proven to be
extraordinarily difficult. With billions of dollars at stake, international
businesses have a huge financial incentive to find ways to reduce their tax
burden while still staying within the letter of various nations’ laws.
This Note proposes a change to the jurisdiction of the U.S. Tax Court
and discusses why such a change would deter businesses from engaging in
overly aggressive tax-avoidance behavior. First, in Part II it provides an
initial example of the problem of transfer pricing by explaining how a
multinational enterprise, IKEA, uses a carefully planned corporate
structure to greatly reduce its tax burden. It then provides an introduction
to how one nation, the United States, addresses corporations that shift
income between countries. Next, it addresses in Part III how the global tax
system might be reformed and whether such reform would effectively
prevent tax evasion by allocating income to countries with a lower tax. In
Part IV, using the U.S. tax regime as an example, the Note suggests
modifications to national tax regimes that will deter transfer pricing
abuses, including the requirement that Article III courts, where there is the
prospect of a jury as the fact-finder, have exclusive jurisdiction over
transfer pricing disputes. The Note concludes in Part V.
II. TRANSFER PRICING PERMITS INTERNATIONAL COMPANIES
TO AVOID TAXES
The concept of an “international tax system” is an illusion. The current
reality is one of independent states attempting to tax international
activities by casting a net woven from a mixture of each country’s
domestic tax laws and bilateral tax treaties.3 Not surprisingly, the lack of a
3. “Basically, there are three sets of international tax rules: (1) the domestic rules dealing with
taxation of non-residents, (2) the domestic rules dealing with taxation of residents generating income
abroad, and (3) some complementary rules (that are not purely domestic and are mainly found in tax
treaties) . . . .” Yariv Brauner, An International Tax Regime in Crystallization, 56 TAX L. REV. 259,
265–66 (2003). An international income tax system usually contains:
several layers of rules that apply to transactions and taxpayers independent of each other, but
in a certain, rigid order. These sets of rules, in that order, are: (1) definition of “income”
subject to tax, (2) measurement of the tax base and transfer pricing rules, (3) classification of
types of income, (4) source (and allocation) rules, (5) taxing provisions, including rates and
timing, (6) relief of domestic taxation under domestic rules, (7) relief of domestic taxation
claiming tax treaty benefits, and (8) means of collection—mainly withholding tax rules.
Id. The system is currently made up of about 1,500 bilateral tax treaties. Id. at 292. Although the sheer
number of treaties may lead one to believe otherwise, there is already a degree of harmonization
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