In Defense of McDonnell Douglas: The Domination of Title VII by the At-Will Employment Doctrine
St. John's Law Review
Volume 89
Number 2 Volume 89, Summer/Fall 2015,
Numbers 2 & 3
Article 5
April 2016
In Defense of McDonnell Douglas: The Domination of Title VII by
the At-Will Employment Doctrine
Chuck Henson
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Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons
Recommended Citation
Chuck Henson (2015) "In Defense of McDonnell Douglas: The Domination of Title VII by the At-Will
Employment Doctrine," St. John's Law Review: Vol. 89 : No. 2 , Article 5.
Available at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/lawreview/vol89/iss2/5
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IN DEFENSE OF MCDONNELL DOUGLAS:
THE DOMINATION OF TITLE VII BY THE
AT-WILL EMPLOYMENT DOCTRINE
CHUCK HENSON†
INTRODUCTION
It has been said that within Title VII of the Civil Rights Act
of 1964, Congress gave the moral principle of “equality” a
foundation in national law.1 Taken as a statement of Title VII’s
purpose, such purpose anchors the persistent belief that
Congress intended Title VII as a radical and permanent
departure from the past. De jure and de facto discrimination and
the rule of employment-at-will represent the past. Title VII
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†
Interim Vice Chancellor, Division of Inclusion, Diversity and Equity,
University of Missouri School of Law; Trial Practice Professor of Law, University of
Missouri School of Law; Senior Fellow, Center for the Study of Dispute Resolution,
University of Missouri School of Law; J.D., Georgetown University Law Center,
1990; B.A., Yale University, 1987. The author would like to give a special thank you
to Professor William R. Corbett for his thoughtful commentary and whose article,
The “Fall” of Summers, The Rise of “Pretext Plus,” and the Escalating Subordination
of Federal Employment Discrimination Law to Employment at Will: Lessons from
McKennon and Hicks, 30 GA. L. REV. 305 (1996), helped inspire this Article.
Additionally, the author gives many thanks for the encouragement, guidance, and
editorial advice of Dean Rafael Gely, Professor Miriam Cherry, Professor David
Mitchell, Dean Rigel Oliveri, and Professor Joshua D. Hawley; thanks for the
research assistance of Scott Smithson and Chris Lesinski; and thanks to the John
W. Cowden Faculty Research Fellowship and the W. Dudley McCarter Faculty
Research Fellowship for supporting this endeavor. Finally, the author thanks Renee
Elaine Henson for her constant support and Paris Olivia Henson for giving him a
reason to continue to confront the monsters hiding under the bed.
1
Robert Brookins, Hicks, Lies, and Ideology: The Wages of Sin Is Now
Exculpation, 28 CREIGHTON L. REV. 939, 940 (1994) (“Title VII molded the basic
moral principle of equal treatment into a national policy to eliminate employment
discrimination.”); Ann C. McGinley, Credulous Courts and the Tortured Trilogy: The
Improper Use of Summary Judgment in Title VII and ADEA Cases, 34 B.C. L. REV.
203, 210 (1993) (“In passing Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, Congress stressed that
equal employment opportunity is a basic right in this country. The legislature noted
that the other civil rights the Act guaranteed would be meaningless without the
right to ‘gain the economic wherewithal to enjoy or properly utilize them.’ ” (quoting
H.R. REP. NO. 88-914 (1964))).
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represents the achievement, or at a minimum, the path to the
colorblind meritocracy envisioned at the time of its creation by
dealing with chronic issues of unemployment, underemployment,
Title VII,
segregation in employment, and unequal pay.2
however, has not served this purpose.3 Those who believe that
Congress had such a purpose for Title VII blame McDonnell
Douglas Corp. v. Green4 (“McDonnell Douglas II”) and the
Supreme Court for emasculating Title VII in disparate treatment
cases.5 McDonnell Douglas II, however, is not responsible for the
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2
Referring to the proposed Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, key legislators
recognized that voting rights, school desegregation, and the desegregation of public
accommodations had little meaning in the absence of jobs:
The right to vote, however, does not have much meaning on an empty
stomach. The impetus to achieve excellence in education is lacking if
gainful employment is closed to the graduate. The opportunity to enter a
restaurant or hotel is a shallow victory where one’s pockets are empty. The
principle of equal treatment under law can have little meaning if in
practice its benefits are denied the citizen.
H.R. REP. NO. 88-914, pt. 2, at 26 (1963). Unemployment, employment by
occupation, and wage statistics showed nonwhite unemployment at more than twice
the rate of white unemployment. Id. at 27–28.
3
For example, in 1979, the continuing employment disparity led the United
States Supreme Court to describe the purpose of Title VII as opening to blacks
previously foreclosed employment opportunities, which was a foundation to the
Court’s decision to permit short-term private affirmative action in United
Steelworkers of America v. Weber, 443 U.S. 193, 194 (1979). The Court in Weber
specifically noted that the unemployment rates had not changed since Title VII
became law in 1964: “The problem that Congress addressed in 1964 remains with us.
In 1962, the nonwhite unemployment rate was 124% higher than the white rate.” Id.
at 204 n.4. “In 1978, the black unemployment rate was 129% higher.” Id.
Historically, black unemployment rates have continued to be twice as high as white
unemployment rates. See U.S. Dep’t of Labor, Data Retrieval: Labor Force Statistics
(CPS), BUREAU LAB. STAT., http://www.bls.gov/webapps/legacy/cpsatab2.htm (check
box for “unemployment rate” under “not seasonally adjusted” column for the “White”
and “Black or African American” subcategories; then select “Retrieve data”) (last
modified July 8, 2015).
4
411 U.S. 792 (1973).
5
The difficulty in proving disparate treatment is seen as a problem of
interpretation rather than a fundamental problem with Title VII’s structure. See
also Judith Olans Brown et al., Some Thoughts About Social Perception and
Employment Discrimination Law: A Modest Proposal for Reopening the Judicial
Dialogue, 46 EMORY L.J. 1487, 1487–88 (1997) (“Most recently, in 1992, we
demonstrated how the federal courts, and particularly the Supreme Court, had
significantly weakened Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 by construing
procedural rul (...truncated)