The Puzzling Absence of Economic Power in Constitutional Theory
Cornell Law Review
Volume 101
Issue 6 September 2016
Article 2
The Puzzling Absence of Economic Power in
Constitutional Theory
Ganesh Sitaraman
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Recommended Citation
Ganesh Sitaraman, The Puzzling Absence of Economic Power in Constitutional Theory, 101 Cornell L. Rev. 1445 (2016)
Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol101/iss6/2
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THE PUZZLING ABSENCE OF ECONOMIC
POWER IN CONSTITUTIONAL THEORY
Ganesh Sitaraman†
Six years after the financial crash, disparities in economic
power are at the forefront of popular debate. Political leaders
increasingly express a growing popular sentiment that “the
system is rigged” to work for wealthy and corporate interests
who have the means to buy influence through campaign funding and then sustain their influence with “armies of lobbyists”
in Washington. In a battery of studies over the last decade,
political scientists have confirmed populist suspicions and
demonstrated that economic elites dominate the American political system. Their findings operate across all areas of policy, and they provide systematic empirical evidence that
political influence is tilted in favor of the wealthiest members
of American society.
With rare exception, however, the power of economic
elites—and the empirical evidence for this power—has been
largely invisible from macro-level contemporary debates in
constitutional theory. Most of the time, constitutional theorists
have in mind a more optimistic view of American politics that
both undergirds and serves as an aspiration for their approach to constitutional theory and design. Republicans focus
on deliberation toward the public good. Pluralists celebrate (or
fear) group participation. Some worry about protecting minority rights from majoritarianism; others criticize the undemocratic structures within the constitutional system. And
recently, there have been efforts to bring greater political realism to constitutional theory, particularly by focusing on the
intersection of partisan affiliation and constitutional structure.
What is puzzling, however, is that none of these approaches
engage directly or systematically with the power of economic
elites in American politics. And yet, none of these approaches
† Assistant Professor of Law, Vanderbilt Law School. Thanks to Ed Cheng,
Einer Elhauge, Dan Epps, Barry Friedman, Willy Forbath, Brandon Garrett,
Heather Gerken, Jeremy Kessler, Daryl Levinson, Bill Marshall, Jon Michaels,
Martha Minow, Doug NeJaime, Dave Pozen, Richard Primus, Richard Re, Morgan
Ricks, Shalev Roisman, Elizabeth Sepper, Chris Serkin, Dan Sharfstein, Suzanna
Sherry, Reva Siegel, Kevin Stack, Nick Stephanopolous, and participants in the
Harvard Public Law Workshop and the UCLA Faculty Works in Progress Colloquium. Special thanks to Macy Cullison, Mary Fleming, Sean Hastings, Laura
McKenzie, and Eric Mills for excellent research assistance.
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[Vol. 101:1445
can be truly successful—even on their own terms—without
grappling with the realities of economic power.
Contemporary constitutional theory needs to be rooted in
a more realistic description of the American political process.
This Article first argues that leading debates in constitutional
theory have failed to engage with the reality of elite economic
domination and that without taking into account the role economic elites play in American politics, these theories have serious limitations even on their own terms. Second, it shows that
any attempt to design institutions to account for the influence
of economic power will face persistent, pervasive, and perverse problems. A central task of constitutional theory going
forward must be to overcome or at least mitigate these stumbling blocks. Third, it provides a conceptual framework of
possible, albeit imperfect, design options for mitigating elite
economic domination. There are a variety of design strategies
for grappling with economic power, which cover a wide range
in both plausibility and efficacy. Given the persistent
problems involved in mitigating the influence of economic
power, it is not likely there will be any one single “solution.”
Constitutional theory will instead need to consider a secondbest approach in which multiple suboptimal strategies are
adopted, in hopes that the system as a whole is relatively
desirable.
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1447
I. THE REALITY OF ELITE ECONOMIC DOMINATION . . . . . . . 1455
A. Preferences and Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1457
B. “Democracy by Coincidence” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1461
C. Theories of American Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1465
II. THE PUZZLING ABSENCE OF ECONOMIC POWER IN
CONTEMPORARY CONSTITUTIONAL THEORY . . . . . . . . . . . . 1466
A. The Relevance of Economic Power for
Constitutional Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1467
B. Economic Power and the Madisonian Design . 1471
C. Contemporary Constitutional Theory . . . . . . . . . 1477
1. Interest Groups and the Countermajoritarian
Difficulty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1477
2. The Undemocratic Constitution and Popular
Constitutionalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1482
3. Political Parties and Partisanship
Theories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1488
D. The Historical Origins of Economic Power’s
Absence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1491
III. THE PERSISTENT PROBLEM OF ECONOMIC POWER IN
CONSTITUTIONAL THEORY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1494
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PUZZLING ABSENCE OF ECONOMIC POWER
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A. The Inside-Outside Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1495
B. The Hydraulic Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1498
C. The Paradox of Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1500
D. The Aristocratic Selection Effects of
Elections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1502
E. The Hazards of Entrenching Economic Class . 1505
IV. THE IMPERFECT POSSIBILITIES FOR INSTITUTIONAL
DESIGN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1506
A. Countering Economic Inequality . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1508
1. Regulation, T (...truncated)