Taking Voting Rights Seriously: Rediscovering the Fifteenth Amendment
Nebraska Law Review
Volume 64 | Issue 3
Article 3
1985
Taking Voting Rights Seriously: Rediscovering the
Fifteenth Amendment
Emma Coleman Jordan
University of California at Davis School of Law,
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Recommended Citation
Emma Coleman Jordan, Taking Voting Rights Seriously: Rediscovering the Fifteenth Amendment, 64 Neb. L. Rev. (1985)
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Emma Coleman Jordan*
Taking Voting Rights Seriously:
Rediscovering The Fifteenth
Amendment**
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. Introduction ...............................................
II. Tracing the Development of Fifteenth Amendment
Theory .....................................................
A. Early Efforts to End the Reign of Terror at the
Ballot Box ............................................
B. Origins of Judicial Intervention to Protect Black
Voting Rights .........................................
1. The Fifteenth Amendment Challenges of 1915 ....
2. The Two Fourteenth Amendment Cases ..........
3. New Grandfather Clauses, Vote Fraud,
"Understand and Explain" Tests, and White Party
Prim aries ..........................................
C. Gomillion v. Lightfoot: A Crossroads? .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
III. The Penumbra of the Fourteenth Amendment: The OnePerson, One-Vote Apportionment Cases ..................
A. The Concern for Judicial Manageability ..............
B. Mathematical Equality: A Substitute for
Representation ........................................
1. The Talisman of Mathematical Precision ..........
2. The Double Standard of Apportionment ..........
C. The Constitutional Dilution Suit ......................
1. Setting Standards for Court Ordered Plans .......
2. The Struggle Over Standards of Proof In Dilution
Claim s .............................................
IV. Racial Dilution Claims Under the Voting Rights Act .....
V. The Future of the Fifteenth Amendment .................
*
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Professor of Law, University of California, Davis.
I thank my colleague Floyd F. Feeney and Dean Derrick Bell for helpful
comments on an earlier draft; I also thank Katherine R. Poss, University of
California, Berkeley, Boalt Hall, 1985, and flene Goldstein Block, University of
California, Davis, King Hall, 1984, for their invaluable efforts as research
assistants.
NEBRASKA LAW REVIEW
A.
VI.
[Vol. 64:389
Congressional Power ..................................
1. The Scope of Permissable Action ..................
2. The Fifteenth Amendment Rationale for Safe
Districting and Proportional Representation ......
Conclusion .................................................
I.
436
436
440
443
INTRODUCTION
This Article presents an approach, a perspective for analyzing the
racial dilution strand of voting rights cases. Emphasizing the fifteenth
amendment, it suggests that the conceptual failure of the United
States Supreme Court and commentators to fulfill the promise of fair
and effective representation is due to a persistent refusal to embrace
fully the independent rights afforded by the fifteenth amendment.
The fifteenth amendment alone offers a unique vantage point, in
which the special protection of the Constitution is extended to racial
minorities who seek to participate in this democracy by voting. By
virtue of the fifteenth amendment, we can approach the questions
arising from the loss of political representation for minorities as separate from the loss of representation to all voters arising from malapportioned districts of unequal population.
The Court has recognized that racially conscious measures may be
required to insure truly fair and effective representation.1 Thus, the
Court has ventured, albeit indecisively, toward recognition of the constitutional value of special measures to preserve or enhance the polit1. A recent case, in which approval was given to a race conscious remedy is Mississippi Rep. Exec. Comm. v. Brooks, 105 S. Ct. 416 (1984) (summary affirmance (72) of district court decision to set aside its own earlier redistricting plan for Mississippi's congressional districts, designed to remedy population disparities of up
to 17 percent). A second plan was adopted after the case had been remanded by
the Supreme Court for reconsideration in the light of the 1982 amendments to the
Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 U.S.C. § 1973 (1982). See Brooks v. Winter, 103 S.
Ct. 2077 (1983). On remand, the district court redrew the district map so that the
percentage of black citizens of voting age would be increased from 48.05 percent
to 52.83 percent. The district court sought to apply the new amendments of § 2,
which it concluded required the establishment of a "clear black voting age population majority." The court found that this remedy was required because of the
continuing and present effects of Mississippi's "long history of de jure and de
facto race discrimination, [the presence of racial block voting, and] political
processes [which] have not been equally open to blacks." Mississippi Rep. Exec.
Comm. v. Brooks, 105 S. Ct. 416, 417 (Stevens, J., concurring) (quoting App. to
Motion to Dismiss or Affirm of Owen H. Brooks 14).
Justices Rehnquist and Burger argued in dissent that the district court misconstrued the requirements of the amendments of § 2. In their view the present
effects of the history of prior discrimination could not justify the creation of a
safe district. They argued that "in amending § 2 Congress did not intend courts to
supersede state voting laws for the sole purpose of improving the chance of minorities to elect members of their own class ... [and also that] 'past discrimination cannot, in the manner of original sin, condemn governmental action that is
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15TH AMENDMENT
ical effectiveness of racial minorities. The Court has, on at least three
occasions, 2 found itself sharply divided over the rationale for race conscious remedies to preserve or enhance minority voting power. Thus,
we have been left with a series of decisions that buttress the political
cohesiveness of racial minorities without a coherent rationale to guide
future cases. These decisions have been especially disappointing because the Court has seemed to strain to avoid placing any significant
3
reliance on the fifteenth amendment. Indeed, after Mobile v. Bolien,
one could fairly conclude that the Court had sounded the death knell
for the fifteenth amendment,4 thus confining its implementation to
Congress under the Voting Rights Act. As a consequence, fourteenth
amendment theory dominates the disposition of voting rights claims
today.
If the fifteenth amendment (...truncated)