Modern Imperialism in Crimea and the Donbas
Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School
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Comparative Law Review
Law Reviews
10-5-2017
Modern Imperialism in Crimea and the Donbas
Julius Bodie
Loyola Law School
Recommended Citation
Julius Bodie, Modern Imperialism in Crimea and the Donbas, 40 Loy. L.A. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 267 (2017).
Available at: http://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/ilr/vol40/iss2/4
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Modern Imperialism in Crimea and the
Donbas
JULIUS BODIE*
The diplomatic crises that have enveloped Ukraine since early 2014
threaten to transform the global political and legal order that materialized
in the aftermath of Soviet Russia’s dissolution. The unpredictable pattern
of Russian foreign policy has resulted in the first forcible annexation of a
sovereign European territory since World War II and the perpetuation of
a ‘hybrid war’ in Eastern Ukraine’s Donbas region, where pro-Russian
separatists have sought to reunite swathes of captured territory as part of
Novorossya.1 Both of these developments can be traced to legacy Soviet
influences that are embodied in President Vladimir Putin’s aggressive
foreign policy. However, the style and characterization of military action
throughout the conflicts differ in each case. While the first conflict in
Crimea involved an overt Russian military presence securing a bloodless,
diplomatic circumvention of international law that has since been decried
by the Western world, the conflict in the Donbas has been characterized
as a hybrid war, involving a high volume of casualties and disputed
reports of state sponsorship and participation that allow Russia to
maintain plausible deniability about its true involvement.
Although the historical relationship among Ukraine, Crimea, and
Russia is incredibly nuanced and complex in the years since Catherine
the Great first annexed the peninsula in 1783, the current governing State
treaties, customary international law, and domestic constitutions quite
clearly undermine any legitimate basis for Russia’s forcible annexation
*J.D., Loyola Law School, Los Angeles. Special thanks to Professor David Glazier and the
devoted staff of the Loyola of Los Angeles International & Comparative Law Review.
1. THOMAS D. GRANT, AGGRESSION AGAINST UKRAINE: TERRITORY, RESPONSIBILITY,
AND INTERNATIONAL LAW 1 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2015). See also Ivan Nechepurenko, Death of
Novorossia: Why the Kremlin Abandoned Ukraine Separatist Project, THE MOSCOW TIMES (May
25, 2015), http://www.themoscowtimes.com/news/article/death-of-novorossia-why-kremlinabandoned-ukraine-separatist-project/522320.html.
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[Vol. 40:2
of Crimea in March 2014.2 In spite of Moscow’s claims detailing
Crimea’s purported historical right of self-determination, the annexation
has been condemned by several world leaders and supranational legal
bodies.3 The Russian-backed separatist movements in the Donbas region
of Eastern Ukraine, including the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic
(LNR) and the Donetsk People’s Republic (DNR), have recently stalled
in the achievement of their goals, with neither the Kiev government nor
the separatist forces clearly in control of the disputed territories. It has
been difficult to gauge the legality of this separatist movement; various
media accounts have labeled it as a ‘civil war,’ ‘hybrid war,’ ‘rebellion,’
and ‘anti-terrorist operation.’4 The situation in the Donbas is much more
complex than Crimea – the territory is larger, the support for Russia
among the population is lower, and there are no large military bases from
which to launch operations. By perpetuating this quagmire, Putin has
effectively destabilized Ukraine while undermining the legitimacy of
President Poroshenko’s regime and maintaining a high degree of
deniability about Russian influence over the separatists. The mere
presence of the frozen conflict in the Donbas renders it impossible for a
truly whole Ukraine, with internationally recognized boundaries, to
conduct itself as a sovereign polity.
This note will seek to analyze and compare the legality of Russian
involvement in these two crises in Ukraine under the guiding principles
of customary international law, State treaties, diplomatic pacts and
domestic constitutions. In Part I, the annexation of Crimea will be shown
to be illegitimate. Under at least two fundamental UN doctrines, six State
treaties and diplomatic agreements, and three domestic constitutions,
Russia’s actions appear to be a violation of Ukraine’s territorial
sovereignty, as well as an illegal use of force.
While the stalemate in the Donbas region is currently characterized
as a “non-international armed conflict”, this paper will seek to
demonstrate that in two periods of hostilities (August 2014 and January
2015), Russian military actions constituted an illegal use of force, and
2. Adam Taylor, To understand Crimea, take a look back at its complicated history, WASH.
POST (Feb. 27, 2014), https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2014/02/27/tounderstand-crimea-take-a-look-back-at-its-complicated-history.
3. Brad Simpson, Self-Determination in the Age of Putin, FOREIGN POLICY (Mar. 21, 2014),
http://foreignpolicy.com/2014/03/21/self-determination-in-the-age-of-putin.
4. Bohdan Harasymiw, Harasymiw on War in Ukraine: Undeclared, Unacknowledged and
Unabated, UKRAINE TRUTH (Feb. 4, 2015), http://ukrainian-studies.ca/2015/01/29/bohdanharasymiw-war-ukraine-undeclared-unacknowledged-unabated.
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perhaps even initiated an international armed conflict.5 The style of
military action has differed in the Donbas from that in Crimea, however,
and Part II will consider whether Russia violated international use of
force and law of armed conflict standards with their actions in Illovaisk
in August 2014 and Debaltseve in January 2015. While Moscow has
officially denied responsibility for the actions of the separatists, evidence
will show that there has been an overt Russian presence conducting
military operations against the government forces of Ukraine.
The fact that the annexation of Crimea was completed in March
2014 allows for a more complete legal analysis than the on-going war in
the Donbas. It was not until nearly a year after the annexation that
President Putin admitted there was a Russian Special Forces ope (...truncated)