Originalist or Original: The Difficulties of Reconciling Citizens United with Corporate Law History
Notre Dame Law Review
Volume 91 | Issue 3
Article 1
4-2016
Originalist or Original: The Difficulties of
Reconciling Citizens United with Corporate Law
History
Leo E. Strine Jr.
Delaware Supreme Court
Nicholas Walter
Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz
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Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States
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Recommended Citation
91 Notre Dame L. Rev. 877 (2016)
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ARTICLES
ORIGINALIST OR ORIGINAL: THE DIFFICULTIES
OF RECONCILING CITIZENS UNITED WITH
CORPORATE LAW HISTORY
Leo E. Strine, Jr.* & Nicholas Walter**
INTRODUCTION
Much has and will continue to be written about the United States
Supreme Court’s decision in Citizens United v. FEC.1 In that decision, the
Court held that the part of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (the
© 2016 Leo E. Strine, Jr. & Nicholas Walter. Individuals and nonprofit institutions
may reproduce and distribute copies of this Article in any format at or below cost, for
educational purposes, so long as each copy identifies the author, provides a citation to the
Notre Dame Law Review, and includes this provision in the copyright notice.
* Chief Justice, Delaware Supreme Court; Adjunct Professor, University of
Pennsylvania Law School; Austin Wakeman Scott Lecturer, Harvard Law School; Senior
Fellow, Harvard Program on Corporate Governance; Adjunct Professor, Vanderbilt
University School of Law; Henry Crown Fellow, Aspen Institute.
** Associate, Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz. The authors are grateful for the
invaluable assistance of Elane Boulden, Andrew Berni, Dorothy Shapiro, and Sonia
Steinway, and for helpful comments from Bill Allen, Bill Bratton, Bill Budinger, Robert
Clark, Jill Fisch, Ronald Gilson, Jeff Gordon, Joe Grundfest, Larry Hamermesh, Jonathan
Lipson, Ian Nussbaum, Miguel Padro, Alan Palmiter, Ed Rock, Lynn Stout, and Eric Talley.
1 558 U.S. 310 (2010). For a review of the literature spawned by Citizens United, see
generally ROBERT C. POST, CITIZENS DIVIDED: CAMPAIGN FINANCE REFORM AND THE CONSTITUTION (2014); Leo E. Strine, Jr. & Nicholas Walter, Conservative Collision Course?: The Tension Between Conservative Corporate Law Theory and Citizens United, 100 CORNELL L. REV. 335
(2015). Various authors have briefly criticized Citizens United in originalist terms. See, e.g.,
Joseph F. Morrissey, A Contractarian Critique of Citizens United, 15 U. PA. J. CONST. L. 765,
780–84 (2013) (criticizing Justice Scalia’s originalism); Geoffrey R. Stone, Citizens United
and Conservative Judicial Activism, 2012 U. ILL. L. REV. 485, 497 (“[A]ny Justice attempting
seriously to employ an originalist analysis in Citizens United would also have had to uphold
the legislation.”); Amanda D. Johnson, Comment, Originalism and Citizens United: The
Struggle of Corporate Personhood, 7 RUTGERS BUS. L.J. 187 (2010). We provide a comprehensive critique. The most detailed treatments of this topic of which we are aware are Ruth H.
Bloch & Naomi R. Lamoreaux, Corporations and the Fourteenth Amendment (2014)
(unpublished manuscript) (on file with author), and Ian Speir, Corporations, the Original
Understanding, and the Problem of Power, 10 GEO. J.L. & PUB. POL’Y 115, (2012). As the title of
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“McCain-Feingold Act”) that prohibited corporations from making expenditures expressly in favor of the election or defeat of political candidates,
except through corporate-sponsored political action committees that raised
specific funds for that purpose, was unconstitutional as applied to the nonprofit advocacy corporation before the Court.2 In its sweeping ruling, the
Court suggested that the managers of even for-profit corporations whose
shares are publicly traded have a First Amendment right to spend unlimited
amounts of treasury funds to influence the political process, including to
advocate the election or defeat of particular candidates for office.
In this Article, we focus on a specific question raised by Citizens United,
which is whether the Supreme Court’s decision can be justified solely by
application of the originalist method of constitutional interpretation, or
whether it can only be explained by giving substantial weight to a more modern, evolved understanding of the relevant constitutional provisions. The dissent in Citizens United, authored by Justice Stevens and joined by Justices
Ginsburg, Breyer, and Sotomayor, argued that the decision could not be
defended on originalist grounds. In Justice Stevens’s view, the Framers “had
little trouble distinguishing corporations from human beings, and when they
constitutionalized the right to free speech in the First Amendment, it was the
free speech of individual Americans that they had in mind.”3 In a concurring opinion, originalist Justice Scalia, joined by Justice Alito and in relevant
part by Justice Thomas, claimed that the majority’s result was faithful to
originalism as they articulate it.4 Justice Scalia argued that there was no historical evidence that the government could restrict the speech of business
corporations.
In addressing this subject, we acknowledge that Justices Scalia and Alito
concurred in the majority opinion, an opinion that itself did not rely upon
the originalist methodology, and that the originalist concurrence was crafted
as a rebuttal to Justice Stevens’s dissent, which argued that the majority opinion was unhistorical. Nevertheless, because Justices Scalia and Thomas, and
originalist methodology, have such influence in current jurisprudence, we
believe it is important to consider whether Citizens United can be rationalized
on originalist grounds. After all, originalists claim that their method is the
only method faithful to the idea that the law is something determinable as
the work of certain legitimately empowered authorities, and not whatever the
current group of judges decides to say it is.
their excellent essay suggests, Bloch and Lamoreaux focus on developments in the 1860s
and after. Our analysis starts earlier, but we are indebted to them.
2 See 2 U.S.C. § 441b(a) (2006) (“It is unlawful for . . . any corporation . . . or any
labor organization, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any [federal] election . . . or in connection with any primary election or political convention or
caucus held to select candidates for any of the foregoing offices . . . .”).
3 Citizens United, 558 U.S. at 428 (Stevens, J., dissenting).
4 Id. at 385–93 (Scalia, J., concurring).
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