Two Aspects of Liberty
Notre Dame Law Review
Volume 91 | Issue 4
Article 1
6-2016
Two Aspects of Liberty
John H. Garvey
The Catholic University of America
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91 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1287 (2016)
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SYMPOSIUM
TWO ASPECTS OF LIBERTY
John H. Garvey*
Isaiah Berlin was a wonderful writer about political theory, the author of
a number of essays we still read. Upon assuming the Chichele Chair at All
Souls College in 1958, he gave a lecture entitled Two Concepts of Liberty.
Berlin described the two concepts as “negative” and “positive.” The negative concept of liberty (he sometimes called it “freedom from”) is a classical
liberal ideal, one we associate with Locke and Mill, Constant and Tocqueville.
It is simply the “absence of interference.”1 People who are free from all constraints can do as they like—an idea that appealed to Berlin, a great believer
in value pluralism.2
Berlin’s positive concept of liberty (or “freedom to”) “derives from the
wish on the part of the individual to be his own master.”3 Any number of
things might frustrate that desire: an economic system that reduces me to
servitude; the waywardness of my own passions; or a dominant social institution (a church, an aristocracy) that propagates false consciousness. Berlin
associated this concept of freedom with Rousseau, Hegel, and Marx. Its proponents maintain that a law does not restrict my freedom if I impose it on
myself or accept it freely. The important thing is that I should be able to act
in accordance with the wishes of my true self.
I’m a big fan of Berlin as an essayist and a writer of intellectual history,
but I think his analysis of liberty is muddled. “Freedom from” and “freedom
© 2016 John H. Garvey. Individuals and nonprofit institutions may reproduce and
distribute copies of this Article in any format at or below cost, for educational purposes, so
long as each copy identifies the author, provides a citation to the Notre Dame Law Review,
and includes this provision in the copyright notice.
* President of The Catholic University of America.
1 ISAIAH BERLIN, FOUR ESSAYS ON LIBERTY 123 n.2, 127 (1969) (quoting THOMAS HOBBES, LEVIATHAN 159–68 (Michael Oakeshott ed., 1974)).
2 See id. at 172. Berlin’s earlier essay The Hedgehog and the Fox is a reflection on the
difference between monism and value pluralism. ISAIAH BERLIN, THE HEDGEHOG AND THE
FOX (Henry Hardy ed., 2d ed. 1953). It takes its name from a fragment of verse by the
Greek poet Archilochus: “The fox knows many things, but the hedgehog knows one big
thing.” Id. at 1. Berlin classifies various thinkers as foxes (Plato, Dante, Hegel, Nietzsche)
or hedgehogs (Aristotle, Shakespeare, Goethe). Id. at 2.
3 BERLIN, supra note 1, at 131.
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to” are not two different concepts of liberty. They are different parts of the
same idea. We can’t talk sensibly about liberty without invoking both of
them.
Liberty in the constitutional sense is always a right against state interference (a “freedom from”).4 The First Amendment begins by saying that “Congress shall make no law”; it forbids Congress to license or fine or jail people
for speaking, or publishing, or assembling.5 Liberty is also, always, a right to
do something (a “freedom to”): to speak, to assemble, to practice religion, to
get married, etc. So “freedom from” and “freedom to” are always parts of the
same idea, just as “flying from” and “flying to” are aspects of the same airplane trip. Freedom is always the right to do some particular act without
government restraint.
I mention Berlin’s confusion because I think that a focus on these two
aspects of liberty (freedom from state interference and freedom to practice
religion) can help us understand the battles we are currently having about
religious liberty. There have been two phases in this modern fight. In the
first phase, opponents of religious freedom have focused on the freedom
from state interference. They have argued that although religion is an
important social (and theological!) good which deserves our utmost respect,
nevertheless in this or that particular case the state should prevail because its
concerns are especially weighty—more weighty than the plaintiff’s religious
concerns.
In the second phase, people have argued that the religion that we
should be free to practice is a more limited idea than we might suppose. In
this phase, it is not a matter of weighing private concerns against public ones
and finding the public ones more weighty. The private concerns simply
don’t count as religious, so we don’t get to the point of balancing them
against concerns of state.
I.
“FREEDOM FROM”
Let me begin with the first phase. I have said that freedom has two
aspects. It is always a right to act in some way (the “freedom to”) and a “freedom from” state interference. But saying that I have a right to freedom is just
the beginning, not the end, of a legal argument. Because it is a right to act,
people can invoke it in an infinite variety of cases. Someone might falsely
shout “fire” in a crowded theater and cause a panic, then defend his behavior
as an exercise of free speech. Someone else might argue that freedom of
religion excuses him from paying taxes. For this reason, freedom is a defeasi4 I speak about freedom as a right—specifically, as a constitutional right. Freedom of
the will is a different thing. And freedom in private law, though it is a relation, may be a
relation between two private persons, rather than between a person and the state. For
example, you and I may have a contract for the purchase of apples that leaves me free to
choose from among several varieties.
5 U.S. CONST. amend. I.
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ble right, as the philosophers say.6 It is just the first step in a legal argument.
It forces the government to justify its interference. But sometimes the government’s reasons will be so compelling that the courts will allow it to
interfere.
In constitutional law, we describe this process of making judgments
about defeasible rights as one of balancing private rights against public concerns. Of course, the government balances private and public interests
whenever it makes a law. But when the private actor has a right, the government must offer an especially good reason for interfering. The right protects
us from state interference, at least sometimes. W (...truncated)