Originalism Isn't What It Used to Be: The Nondelegation Doctrine, Originalism, and Government by Judiciary
Chapman Law Review
Volume 24
Issue 3 Symposium: A Discussion on the
Nondelegation and Chevron Deference
Doctrines
Article 4
Spring 5-1-2021
Originalism Isn't What It Used to Be: The Nondelegation Doctrine,
Originalism, and Government by Judiciary
Kurt Eggert
Chapman University Dale E. Fowler School of Law,
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Recommended Citation
Kurt Eggert, Originalism Isn't What It Used to Be: The Nondelegation Doctrine, Originalism, and
Government by Judiciary, 24 CHAP. L. REV. 707 (2021).
Available at: https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/chapman-law-review/vol24/iss3/4
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Citation: Kurt Eggert, Originalism Isn’t What It Used to Be: The Nondelegation
Doctrine, Originalism, and Government by Judiciary, 24 CHAP. L. REV. 707
(2021).
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Originalism Isn’t What It Used to Be: The
Nondelegation Doctrine, Originalism, and
Government by Judiciary
Kurt Eggert
“[T]he great security against a gradual concentration of the
several powers in the same department, consists in giving to those
who administer each department the necessary constitutional
means and personal motives to resist encroachments of the
others. . . Ambition must be made to counteract ambition.”
– James Madison1
“[Originalism’s] greatest defect, in my view, is the difficulty of
applying it correctly. . . [I]t is often exceedingly difficult to plumb
the
original
understanding
of
an
ancient
text.”
– Justice Antonin Scalia2
“[Montesquieu’s] meaning, as his own words import, and still
more conclusively as illustrated by the example in his eye, can
amount to no more than this, that where the WHOLE power of one
department is exercised by the same hands which possess the
WHOLE power of another department, the fundamental
principles of a free constitution are subverted.” – James Madison3
“I’m an originalist; I’m a textualist; I’m not a nut.”
– Justice Antonin Scalia4
Professor of Law and Director of the Alona Cortese Elder Law Center at Chapman
University Fowler School of Law. J.D., UC Berkeley School of Law, 1984. B.A., Rice
University, 1981. I would like to thank Clare Pastore for her invaluable comments and
editing help on this Article. I would also like to thank Scott Altman, Steve Hitchcock, Joel
Farrell, Katherine Eggert, and Nicholas Westberg for their thoughtful comments and
Laura Fry for her advice on research methods. This Article was presented at the 2021
Chapman Law Review annual symposium, A Discussion on the Nondelegation and
Chevron Deference Doctrine, and I appreciate the comments of the other panelists in the
session on nondelegation, Richard Epstein and Jack Beermann, and the moderator Tom
Campbell. Members of the Chapman Law Review have provided outstanding editing and
support, especially Sirine Yared and Ariel Romero. Any errors are of course mine.
1 THE FEDERALIST NO. 51, at 268 (James Madison) (George W. Carey & James
McClellan eds., 2001).
2 Antonin Scalia, Originalism: The Lesser Evil, 57 U. CIN. L. REV. 849, 856 (1989).
3 THE FEDERALIST NO. 47, supra note 1, at 251 (James Madison) (emphasis in the original).
4 Jeremy Telman, Explication Du Texte: "I'm An Originalist; I'm A Textualist; I'm
Not A Nut", 50 VAL. U. L. REV. 629, 629 (2016).
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Chapman Law Review
[Vol. 24:3
I. INTRODUCTION
The originalist defenders of the nondelegation doctrine, the
purported constitutional rule that Congress cannot delegate its
legislative rule-making power to federal agencies, have
constructed an elaborate myth to justify that doctrine, which is
found nowhere in the Constitution. According to the originalist
myth, John Locke articulated that doctrine in his Second
Treatise of Government of 16895 and so influenced the Framers
of the Constitution that they somehow worked it implicitly and
invisibly into the Constitution. And hence the Constitution’s
original meaning includes the nondelegation doctrine. Such
nondelegation defenders assert that the Constitution strictly
limits the delegation of legislative power by Congress, even if it
does not prohibit it entirely, and that there is a veritable trove of
evidence showing that the nondelegation doctrine was firmly
established at the Founding. Some treat James Madison as the
patron saint of the separation of powers and argue that the fact
that Madison unsuccessfully attempted to include the
nondelegation doctrine in the Constitution shows that it is
somehow inherent in that document.
None of that myth is true. Or rather, the available historical
evidence strongly indicates that the myths asserted by such
defenders of the nondelegation doctrine are false. Locke’s
greatest influence on the colonists came before the Revolution, at
a time when the colonists were considering whether to revolt
from Britain. Once the Revolutionary War started, Locke’s
influence in the colonies plummeted. At the Constitutional
Convention, Locke had little apparent influence, and even that
seems to have been on the Anti-Federalists, rather than with the
Framers. The drafters and ratifiers of the Constitution little
discussed the delegation of legislative powers, let alone what
limits there should be to such delegation. Madison was far more
concerned, even fearful, that Congress would encroach on the
powers of the Executive and the Judiciary than he was about
Congress excessively delegating its powers. Madison even urged
including in the Constitution provisions that would have
mandated that some legislative policy-making power be
delegated to the Executive and the judiciary, in the form of a
Council of Revision, a council made up of the Executive and
selected members of the national judiciary to exercise what was
then called the revisionary power.
5 JOHN LOCKE, SECOND TREATISE OF GOVERNMENT
1980).
§ 141 (C.B. Macpherson ed.,
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Originalism Isn’t What It Used to Be
709
When a nondelegation provision was proposed at the
Constitutional Convention, it was rejected. When an amendment
was proposed to the Constitution as part of the Bill of Rights that
would have prohibited each branch of the government from
employing the powers of another branch, it was rejected by the
Senate. Congress, since its inception, has delegated legislative
power with relative abandon, and doing so was not held
unconstitutional until 1935 and never again after that year.
Why would originalists push such obvious and unconvincing
myths? How could a supposed “constitutional (...truncated)