Religiosity Decline in Europe: Age, Generation, and the Mediating Role of Shifting Human Values

Journal of Religion and Health https://doi.org/10.1007/s10943-022-01670-x PSYCHOLOGICAL EXPLORATION Religiosity Decline in Europe: Age, Generation, and the Mediating Role of Shifting Human Values Maciej Koscielniak1 · Agnieszka Bojanowska1 · Agata Gasiorowska1 Accepted: 22 August 2022 © The Author(s) 2022 Abstract Despite the fact that age is associated with higher religiosity, the aging European population has experienced a noticeable religiosity decline over recent decades. This study aimed to explain this paradox and to link it to an intergenerational shift in the pattern of values (as conceptualized by Shalom Schwartz). We conducted extended mediation analyses on the relationships between generational affiliation and the level of personal religiosity via human values in two studies (European Social Survey round 7, N = 29,775; and European Social Survey rounds 1–9, N = 224,314). Our results confirm a pronounced trend of religiosity decline and explain this process by changes in personal values. In particular, Europe’s generational increase in openness to change values explains religiosity decline above and beyond the effect of people’s developmental age. We conclude that the perspective of human values provides a significant rationale for further research on religiosity, in relation to both past and future generations of Europeans. Keywords Religiosity · Human values · Generations · Age Introduction European societies are aging (Vancea & Solé-Casals, 2016), and age has been shown to be positively correlated with religiosity. If developmental mechanisms connected to aging robustly explain religiosity levels, then these aging societies should have become increasingly religious over the course of the past century. However, this was not the case. In fact, a significant decline in religiosity in European countries has been observed over the past decades (Argue et al., 1999; Deaton, 2009; Firebaugh & * Maciej Koscielniak Agnieszka Bojanowska 1 Institute of Psychology, SWPS University of Social Sciences and Humanities, ul. Kutrzeby 10, 61‑719 Poznan, Poland 13 Vol.:(0123456789) Journal of Religion and Health Harley, 1991; Hout & Greeley, 1987). Therefore, it seems that there must be another factor responsible for religiosity decline that works above and beyond mere age. In this study, we hypothesized that one factor that has significant potential to explain this decline is generational affiliation. Generations are more than just groups of people of similar age; generations can be defined as communities of shared experiences, feelings (Mannheim, 1940, 1970), and shared values (Marcus et al., 2017; Twenge et al., 2012). Because values and religiosity are significantly related (Chan et al., 2018; Hitlin & Piliavin, 2004; Kuşdil & Akoğlu, 2014; Maio, 2010; Rohan, 2000; Saroglou et al., 2004), generational differences in values should translate into generational differences in religiosity. Therefore, we propose that religiosity decline can be explained by values differing across generations, and that this mechanism is mostly independent of the age effect. Religiosity and Aging Religiosity is usually defined as an organized system of beliefs, practices, rituals, and symbols related to a higher power (Paterson & Francis, 2017, p. 2; see also: Han & Richardson, 2010; Kidwai et al., 2014; Lavretsky, 2010). It serves different psychological needs. For example, it soothes existential anxiety in the face of the inevitability of death (Pyszczynski et al., 2010) and helps provide cognitive closure and reduces perceived uncertainty (Duriez, 2003; Saroglou, 2002). Religiosity is governed by the underlying processes of identity and motivation. Along with social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), religiosity is a significant element of human identity, which regulates a person’s self-concept (“I am a religious person”) and their group belonging (with those who practice the same religion; Van Cappellen et al., 2016). It can be expressed and strengthened through individual and social religious practices. The practices that are carried out alone (e.g., praying) express a person’s self-concept, and they are more likely to be a sign of an intrinsic religious motivation (as opposed to extrinsic; Allport & Ross, 1967), whereas the practices that are carried out with others (e.g., attending religious services) strengthen social bonds and are also representative of social processes. Although generational affiliation is the key focus of this study, the aspect of age in explaining religiosity levels cannot be ignored. Numerous studies have demonstrated a significant relationship between age and religiosity, with older people being systematically more religious than people from younger groups (Argue et al., 1999; Shulgin et al., 2019; Wilmoth et al., 2015). Most researchers explain the age and religiosity relationship by referring to developmental mechanisms connected to aging and claim that as individuals get older, they become more involved in religious practices and are more likely to identify as religious (Bahr, 1970; Barker et al., 1992; Davie & Vincent, 1998). Theoretical explanations for the developmental mechanism behind the age-religiosity relationship can be derived from Terror Management Theory (for overviews, see: Kesebir & Pyszczynski, 2012; Pyszczynski et al., 2010) and Socioemotional Selectivity Theory (Carstensen et al., 1999; Löckenhoff & Carstensen, 2004). Terror Management Theory is based on the idea that humans, unlike other animals, are 13 Journal of Religion and Health sophisticated enough in their mental abilities to be aware of the fragility of life and the inevitability of ultimate death, and proposes that the awareness of mortality has the potential to generate paralyzing anxiety and that the management of this potential anxiety is essential for effective functioning (Pyszczynski et al., 2010). According to the theory, people develop an anxiety buffering system that, as long as it is functional, protects against existential anxiety, and provides psychological equanimity. Religiosity may also have this function, and therefore may become increasingly important as death gets closer (Jonas & Fischer, 2006) because it serves as emotional compensation and increases well-being toward the end of life (McCoy et al., 2000). Socioemotional selectivity theory proposes that as their time horizons become shorter, people tend to change their priorities and focus more on positive events and cues than on negative ones (Löckenhoff & Carstensen, 2004). Religion may provide these positive stimuli, and its social aspects may help to increase a sense of community, leading to decreased anxiety, increased well-being, longevity, and somatic health (Abdel-Khalek et al., 2019; Cox & Hammonds, 1989; Hall, 2006; Saleem & Saleem, 2020). Because people become more religious with age and, at the same time, societies are aging (Vancea & Solé-Casals, 2016), we should be able to observe a (...truncated)