The French Elections of 2022: Features, Results, and Consequences
ISSN 1019-3316, Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2022, Vol. 92, Suppl. 14, pp. S1327–S1334. © Pleiades Publishing, Ltd., 2022.
Russian Text © The Author(s), 2022, published in Nauchno-Analiticheskii Vestnik IE RAN, 2022, No. 6, pp. 135–146.
The French Elections of 2022:
Features, Results, and Consequences
Y. I. Rubinskiy* (ORCID: 0000-0003-1343-9963) and S. M. Fedorov** (ORCID: 0000-0001-6735-9139)#
Institute of Europe, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia
*e-mail:
**e-mail:
Received November 28, 2022; revised November 28, 2022; accepted November 28, 2022
Abstract—The results of the presidential and parliamentary elections in France in 2022, which took place in
specific conditions caused by the increase in energy and socio-economic problems in the country against the
background of military operations in Ukraine, are analyzed. Despite the re-election of President E. Macron
for a second term, the loss of an absolute pro-government majority in the National Assembly (the lower house
of the French Parliament) following the parliamentary elections significantly complicated the implementation of his election program. In particular, the inability, as before, constantly to use article 49-3 of the Constitution of the country to adopt laws, in fact contrary to the opinion of deputies, required the President and
the government to start searching for compromises and possible allies, as well as to adjust the political course.
However, the significant strengthening of nonsystemic political forces in the lower house of Parliament, both
the far-left Unconquered France and, especially, the far-right National Rally, coupled with the reluctance of
The Republicans to enter into a coalition with the presidential majority, complicates the plans of the Head of
State. The prospects of further evolution of the country’s party–political system, as well as the preparation of
the main political forces of the country for the next electoral cycle of 2027, are considered.
Keywords: France, President E. Macron, presidential and parliamentary elections in 2022, political parties of
France, the party–political system of France
DOI: 10.1134/S1019331622200102
Due to the specifics of the political structure of the
Fifth Republic, in which the president is endowed
with special powers, including the right to dissolve
early the lower house of parliament, the National
Assembly, parliamentary elections in France, despite
their importance, are traditionally still noticeably inferior in importance to the election of the head of state.
This is also evidenced by the calendar of these important electoral events. Beginning in 2002, in order to
avoid a repetition of so-called “cohabitation” (when
the president and the prime minister represent different political forces), it was decided to synchronize
both election campaigns; however, the first in time
(end of April and beginning of May) was the election
of the head of state, while the election of deputies took
place in the first half of June.
Despite the specifics noted above, one of the
important features of the past election cycle was the
fact that the results of the parliamentary elections, in
terms of their consequences and their influence on the
# Yuri
Ilyich Rubinskiy, Dr. Sci. (Hist.), is a Professor and Head
of the Center for French Studies in the Department of Country
Studies, RAS Institute of Europe. Sergey Matveevich Fedorov,
Cand. Sci. (Polit.), is a Leading Researcher in the Department
of Social and Political Research of the same institute.
political processes in the country, turned out to be
more significant than the election of the head of state.
THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN: SURPRISES
NOT EXPECTED
The re-election of Emmanuel Macron, according
to all sociological polls conducted during the election
campaign, did not cause much doubt. His rating
during the presidential marathon fluctuated around
25%, which provided him with an automatic exit to the
second round. The main intrigue, perhaps, was who
would become his rival in the second stage of voting.
At one time, it seemed that Marine Le Pen’s chances
of reaching the final were not obvious against the
backdrop of the unexpected popularity of the far-right
Eric Zemmour and the consolidation of The Republicans, who managed to nominate the candidacy of the
head of the Île-de-France region, Valerie Pecresse.
According to one of the polls, conducted immediately
after the representatives of the right–centrists entered
the struggle for the Élysée Palace, she was even ahead
of M. Le Pen, which promised an exit to the second
round. However, the failed campaign of Pekress,
which actually went wrong from her first big election
S1327
S1328
RUBINSKIY, FEDOROV
rally, naturally ended in a crushing defeat: she managed to enlist the support of only 4.6% of voters. Such
a low result had never before occurred in the entire history of the neo-Gaullist party. Ephemeral was also the
popularity of E. Zemmour, who received 7% of the
vote; his electoral rating fell by half during the presidential race. The surprise of the presidential elections
was not so much the very high percentage of votes that
M. Le Pen received (41.45%), which was expected, but
the unexpected success of Jean-Luc Mélenchon
(21.95%), the leader of the far-left Unbowed France,
who almost made it to the final round, only barely losing to the leader of the National Rally (NR) in the first
round of elections.
It should be noted that, against the background of
the beginning of the “Special Military Operation” in
Ukraine, the growing energy crisis spurred on by the
introduction of unprecedented economic and financial sanctions against Russia, and sharp geopolitical
changes, the past presidential campaign turned out to
be indistinct and pale. It was this impression that the
pre-election debates produced, to which the main
contender for the highest public office joined already
at the finish line; Macron delayed to the last moment
his official statement about participation in the presidential race, referring to special employment due to
the tense international situation. The initial ideas of
Macron’s entourage to link his election campaign with
the French presidency of the EU Council and the further promotion of the ideas of “strategic autonomy for
Europe” also failed.
It is impossible not to pay attention to another
important aspect, the significant difference between
the program of Macron in 2017, imbued with the
enthusiasm of a young “start-up” politician ready for
almost revolutionary transformations of the country,
and President Macron’s program proposals of 2022,
clearly “reformatted” by the tests of the preceding five
years, marked by the most severe crises of the “yellow
vests” and the COVID-19 pandemic, who realized the
difficulties of modernizing France.
An important feature of the presidential elections
in 2022 was the high support of the French who came
to the polls for “protest candidates.” Le Pen, Melenchon, and Zemmour togeth (...truncated)